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had not been adopted at the time, although it was clearly seen that Walpole was such in reality. There was a strong prejudice against the elevation of a minister above his colleagues, and in 1741 Walpole himself resented "the title of Prime Minister as an imputation." However, his attitude towards the title did not change the facts, and during the greater part of his term of office, Robert Walpole was a Prime Minister in the modern sense of the term. He was

a leader because Nature intended him to be one. He was endowed to a remarkable degree with the masterful traits of leadership. The man who was described by Lord Campbell as being probably the most dexterous party leader in the history of England could not long be kept in a secondary place. His genius would not down. Walpole's position, however, was somewhat in advance of his time. The sentiment of the country was not entirely in favour of submitting to the sway of a First Minister. A protest signed by thirtyone members of the House of Lords declared "that a sole, or even a first minister, is an officer unknown to the law of Britain, inconsistent with the Constitution of this country, and destructive of liberty in any government whatever." The protest asked the removal of Walpole as a "minister dangerous to the King and the kingdom." At the same time a motion made in the Commons condemned him because he had "grasped in his own hands every branch of government; had attained the sole direction of affairs; monopolised all the powers of the Crown; compassed the disposal of all places, pensions, titles, and rewards," — exactly what the present Premier

is doing and is expected to do. As the orthodox sermons of to-day would have been rank heresy a generation ago, so the powers of the Premier, which are now considered constitutional, savoured of despotism and usurpation a century and a half ago. Walpole ran counter to the tide of public opinion as expressed in the House of Commons, and in 1742 he resigned his office and retired to that haven of rest, the House of Lords.

Not every generation, however, produces a Walpole; and his immediate successors in the Treasury Office being men of smaller calibre, exercised only a dubious sort of leadership. The Pitts, however, were real leaders, and when the younger man became Prime Minister in 1783, his authority over his colleagues in the Cabinet was fully recognised. The office of Prime Minister was now an accepted fact, and it was evident that his great power had sprung up from the ruins of the royal prerogative. Lord North recognised the true status of things when he said in 1783, "The King ought to be treated with all sort of respect and attention, but the appearance of power is all that a king of this country can have." Lord North was somewhat in advance of his time in making the above statement, but the tendency was strongly in that direction, and gradually the personal power of the Crown vanished, and for it the supremacy of the Prime Minister was substituted.

After being able to impose his will upon his colleagues in the Cabinet, it only remained that he should have the power of appointing them to make his supremacy complete. This came about during the latter

part of the reign of George III. At that time it was generally agreed that the Sovereign should appoint the Prime Minister, while the latter should select the other members of the Cabinet. This arrangement still obtains, subject to some practical restrictions to be noted later. The force of precedent and the process of evolution are well exemplified in the development of the power of the Prime Minister. According to legal theory the Premier is simply a privy councillor and has no more power than any one of a hundred others; but practically the members of the Cabinet have been raised in importance far above their fellow councillors, and the Prime Minister has gained by custom a supremacy over his colleagues in the Cabinet. This supremacy, too, is real and not nominal. The Prime Minister may insist upon the adoption of his views by his colleagues or may resign; which event, ipso facto, dissolves the Cabinet. It is a rather peculiar fact that while the Prime Minister is still unknown to the law his hand is the guiding and controlling force in governmental affairs. No other officer in England compares with him in actual ruling power. The authority of the Sovereign is a mere shadow in comparison. As long as the Premier can command the support of the people as represented in the House of Commons, there is almost no limit to his governmental power; but as soon as he forfeits this popular confidence, he is reduced to the ranks, and another rules in his stead.

MISCELLANEOUS PROVISIONS RELATING TO

THE CABINET

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