they were enabled to form constitutions, whose excellence has been proved by the prosperity of the states and the love of the people.

Constitutions thus formed, and thus successful in their operation, are not to be altered without the most sober deliberation. But while we deprecate the idea of hasty changes, we have already said, that we consider the provision for necessary reforms one of the chief merits of our systems of goverment. In no instance, is its application more needed, than in that of Virginia, as exhibited in the pamphlet at present under consideration. Her constitution was formed in the year 1776, earlier than that of any other state in the Union, in the midst of the troubles and excitements of the revolutionary war, and at a time when the science of government was little understood in this country. "No wonder, then," to use the words of Mr Jefferson, "that time and trial have discovered very capital defects in it." These defects he has well exhibited in his Notes on Virginia. One of the most striking is the restriction of the right of suffrage to freeholders, which leaves a majority of the men, who support the burdens of the state, unrepresented. Another is the apportionment of the representatives, in equal numbers, among districts of very unequal size. The inequality of representation, arising from this source, is now enormous. As the increase of population has, of late years, been much more rapid in the western than in the eastern counties, some of the former now contain twenty times as many inhabitants as the smallest of the latter, and yet send only an equal number of delegates to the general assembly. The similarity in constitution between the senate and the house of delegates, Mr Jefferson considers also as an evil. "Being chosen by the same electors, at the same time, and out of the same subjects, the choice falls, of course, on men of the same description." So that the object of establishing two branches, namely, to make one a check on the other, is destroyed by identity of interest and principle. The concentration of all the powers of government, legislative, executive, and judiciary, in the hands of the legislative body, makes them, to use Mr Jefferson's expression, an elective despotism. "The judiciary and executive members are left dependant on the legislature for their subsistence in office, and some of them for their continuance in it. If, therefore, the legislature assumes executive and judiciary powers, no opposition is likely to be made; nor, if made, can it be effectual; because, in that case, they may put their proceedings into the form of an act of assembly, which will render them obligatory on the other branches. They have, accordingly, in

many instances, decided rights which should have been left to judiciary controversy, and the direction of the executive during the whole time of their session is becoming habitual and familiar." Their right to determine what shall be a quorum of their body for the transaction of legislative business, enables them, if they please, to fix upon so small a number that their fundamental character of a representative body will be lost. Mr Jefferson further considers that the constitution may be altered by the ordinary legislature. For it was formed by a convention of delegates substituted in the place of the colonial assembly, with no powers but those of ordinary legislation, and of course incapable of establishing a perpetual and unalterable frame of government.

These defects, particularly in the right of suffrage and of representation, had long been the subject of complaint, when, in the year 1816, a meeting was held at Winchester, to devise means for remedying them. The result of its deliberations was communicated to the people in an address, insisting chiefly on the gross inequality of representation, and "recommending a deputation to Staunton, in the month of August ensuing, of two of the friends of reform from each county, for the purpose of advising and adopting measures for effecting a convention of the people of this Commonwealth." Conformably to this advice, a deputation from nearly forty counties assembled there, and determined. to ask the assistance of the legislature in effecting their object. Though their petition was rejected, something was gained by the enactment of a law, "for dividing the state into twenty-four senatorial districts, containing each, as well as could be effected without the division of counties, an equal number of free white inhabitants." This was all that was then accomplished, but, in the year 1824, "a vote was taken in a number of the eastern counties, and it was found that a majority of the freeholders were in favour of constitutional reform." This expression of the popular feeling roused the champions of the established system, and a defence of it soon appeared, which it is the object of the pamphlet before us to confute.

The principal arguments urged in this defence against a reform in the points of suffrage and representation, are, first, that an attempt to apportion representation in proportion to the number of free white inhabitants, will awaken bitter jealousy and opposition in those counties where the slave population is most numerous. For these counties contain, comparatively speaking, few whites not freeholders, and of course will be least benefited by the pro

posed reform. In opposition to this argument, our author alleges the adoption of this principle by both branches of the legislature, in the new distribution of senatorial districts, and also the opinion of the house of delegates, expressed in an act for adjusting the constitution of their own body on the same basis, though the bill was finally abandoned on the ground of compromise. It is argued, in the second place, that no practical evil has resulted from the present system. To which it is replied, that the resources of the state have been paralyzed, because it was not the interest of the predominant party, under the existing order of things, to bring them into operation. The venerable names of the framers of the constitution are adduced in support of the freehold qualification and equal representation of counties. It is contended on the other side, that they were not the authors of these regulations, but found them established in the colonial system of government, which the circumstances of their situation compelled them to imitate. They framed the present constitution in the midst of political weakness and confusion, when exposed to the attacks of a powerful enemy from abroad, and to the dangers of domestic insurrection; when the state contained many friends of the old government, whom it was expedient to conciliate, "by showing as much respect as possible for old institutions; " when the haughty feelings of a landed aristocracy were to be consulted; and when they themselves were little experienced in the science of government. And whatever were the reasons of admitting these restrictions, the changes which have taken place in the relative importance of different parts of the state and classes of the citizens, require their abolition. It is also objected, that an extension of the right of suffrage would give an undue weight to the lower classes, fatal to the interest of men of property. This argument is refuted by the example of other parts of the Union, where the privilege has long been exercised, to the full extent contended for, without producing any such alarming consequences, and also by its inconsistency with another objection from the same quarter, namely, that an extension of the right would confer a dangerous influence on overgrown wealth, and lead to corruption in elections. These are the answers which our author gives to the principal arguments urged against reform. To us they appear convincing, and the general tenor of his essay spirited and able. Mr Jefferson's remarks have been confirmed by the experience of more than forty years, and the necessity of reformation must be apparent to every disinterested man. We heartily wish success to the efforts

which are making to effect it. Their object is the removal of restrictions which are a constant source of jealousy and heartburning, which destroy all unity of purpose and feeling among the inhabitants of the state, and deprive the majority of that ascendancy which is essential to public spirit and public prosperity.

History of a Voyage to the China Sea. By JOHN WHITE, Lieutenant in the United States Navy. Second Edition. Boston. 8vo. pp. 372.

THE first edition of this work appeared some months before the commencement of our Gazette; we take the occasion afforded us by a second edition, of noticing it, as a part of the current literature of the day, and the rather, as some additional light has been thrown on the principal subject of it, by a later traveller, Mr Finlayson, whose work is noticed in the last number of the Quarterly Review.

The extensive peninsula, which has sometimes been designated by the vague appellation of "India beyond the Ganges," is occupied by several principalities. Of the extent and territorial limits of these, very little was known to geographers twenty years ago, and very much still remains to be discovered. Of the character, habits, degree of civilization, &c. of the inhabitants of these countries, in like manner, very little was, and perhaps we may say, still is, certainly known in this hemisphere. From some of the latest maps, it would appear, that a large part, or nearly half of this region, is the territory of the Birman empire. This principality occupies the western division of the peninsula, and appears from the events of the contest with the British East Indian government, to be deficient neither in the arts nor the resources of war.

The remaining part of the peninsula is divided between the kingdoms of Siam, Cochin China, or Cambodia, and Tonquin; the last being contiguous to China, and its monarch a dependant and tributary to the Celestial Empire.

The whole country of Cochin China, including the provinces of Onam and Cambodia, extends, according to Captain White, "from the latitude of 8° 40′ to 17° 0' north; and from Cape Avarella, in longitude 109° 24' east, it extends from the coast about one hundred and fifty miles westward. Its average breadth is, however, about one hundred miles from east to west."

It was visited by the French in the latter part of the last century. In the course of a revolution of the Onamese government, some individuals indeed of this nation acquired considerable influence with its monarchs, and, in 1787, the heir apparent to the Cochin-Chinese throne, was brought to Paris, and introduced to Louis XVI., from whom he received promises of assistance, which the revolution in his own country prevented that unfortunate prince from fulfilling. One or two Frenchmen. however, continued, till within a short period, to hold offices of trust and dignity in Cochin China.

The expedition of Captain White was an effect of the commercial activity and enterprise of some merchants in Salem; the object being to open a new field for the exercise of these qualities in a country hitherto so little known.

As our present concern is only with his adventures in Cochin China, we shall pass without notice the first three chapters of the work, which are occupied with the account of his outward voyage, observing only that he sailed from Salem, in the brig Franklin, on the 2d of January, 1819, and arrived at the entrance of the Don-nai river on the 7th of June following. Here he anchored, in "a small picturesque semilunar bay, situated at the foot of the mountain, at the bottom of which was a grove of cocoa-nut trees, where was situated the village of Vaung-tau, from which the bay takes its name."

A boat was despatched to the shore the following morning, for the purpose of obtaining a pilot to conduct them up the river to Saigon; the return of the boat was soon followed by a deputation from the shore, which approached in a large boat, with "its masts and yards decorated with pendants, and a formidable display of spears, ornamented with tufts of hair, dyed red, attached to the staves."

When scarcely within hail, they began to vociferate very loudly, repeating the word "Olan," and approaching with much caution; encouraged, however, by our amicable deportment and conciliating gestures, they ventured to come along side. The chiefs, of which there were three, at our solicitations, came on deck, and expressed by their actions not a little curiosity, though the sight of a large vessel did not seem to be a novelty to them, and our surprise was somewhat excited to observe, that one of them seemed to be "at home" on board. We afterwards learnt that this chief had been to Macao in a Portuguese brig some years before, and retained a few words of the language, but spoken with such an uncouth accent, that they were totally useless as a medium of oral communication; and,