pernicious. To an independent mind, accustomed from infancy to breathe the bracing air of freedom, they must be intolerable. The happiest community doubtless is that where men are as nearly as possible on a level; where the poor man's rights and happiness and liberty and property are as secure, as if entrenched by the strongest bulwarks of political rank or power or wealth. That condition of society is of all others to be chosen, in which, as among us, men become what they choose to make themselves; in which elevation and authority rest upon no other basis than the benefit and free choice of the governed; in which they who rule, equally with them who are ruled, are amenable to their own statutes; and the highest distinctions in the community are offered to every citizen, without other discrimination than as the honourable reward of virtue and talents. Whatever tends in any other respect than as virtue and talents may do it to exalt one, tends in the same degree to depress another portion of the community. Whatever makes men feel that they are in any respect degraded, is likely to create a servile temper, which chills any strong desire of intellectual or moral excellence; or produces a mortified state of mind, which withdraws some of the most powerful encouragements to good conduct. In our own happy condition we see a perfect experiment of the principles of our fathers; and to the credit of their wisdom and philanthropy these principles have proved a great security of public morals, an efficient instrument of public virtue, and powerful means of elevating the intellectual and political character of our community.

Mr Bancroft enters more largely than the preceding orators, into the present state and prospects of the world; displays the splendid results which have sprung from the innate love of liberty in ancient and modern times; the hope which the events of the last fifty years afford of its final triumph; the effect of the French revolution in awakening the spirit of freedom throughout Europe; the unparalleled events which have marked the age; the activity of thought, and the diffusion of knowledge, which prevail; our country's prosperity, and the principles of our political system. In the following passage are set forth her moral condition, and the principles which have marked her progress.

Our moral condition is, then, indeed, superior to that of the old world in the present, or in any former age. We have institutions more free, more just, and more beneficent, than have ever before been established; and that our glory as a nation might in nothing be wanting, the men, to whom the people first confided their interests, they, whose names stand highest in the annals of our glory, the statesmen, by whose voice the pure spirit of the country expressed

its desires, the leaders, by whose bravery and skill our citizens were conducted to success in the contest for their rights, were of undoubted integrity and spotless patriotism, men, in whom the elements of human greatness were so happily mixed, that as their principles were generous and elevated, so their lives were distinguished by a course of honourable action, and the sacrifice of private advantage to the public good. They united the fervour of genius with the magnanimity of character; and the lustre of their brilliant career was tempered by the republican simplicity of their manners. The names of Washington and Franklin recur, as often as examples are sought of enlightened philanthropy and a virtue, almost superhuman. The political privileges of the people correspond with the moral greatness of our illustrious men. Greece and Rome can offer no parallel to the one or the other. In possession of complete personal independence, our religious liberty is entire; our press without restrictions; the channels of wealth and honour alike open to all; the cause of intelligence asserted and advanced by the people; in our houses, our churches, our halls of justice, our legislatures, every where there is liberty. The sublimest views of superior minds are here but homely truths, reduced to practice, and shedding a beneficent influence over all the daily operations of life. Soul is breathed into the public administration by the suffrages of the people, and the aspect of our policy on the world is favourable to universal improvement. The dearest interests of mankind were entrusted to our country; it was for her to show, that the aspirations of former ages were not visionary; that freedom is something more than a name; that the patriots and the states, that have been martyrs in its defence, were struggling in a sacred cause and fell in the pursuit of a real good. The great spirits of former times looked down from their celestial abodes to cheer and encourage her in the hour of danger; the nations of the earth turned towards her as to their last hope. And the country has not deceived them. With unwavering consistency she has pursued the general good and confirmed the national sovereignty; she has joined a decided will to a clear perception of her rights and duties; she has had courage to regulate her course by free principles, wherever they might guide; and has proclaimed them to the world as with the voice of an inspired man. Resolutely developing her resources and perfecting her establishments by the light of her own experience, she stands in the eye of Heaven and the world in all the comeliness and strength of youth, yet swayed by a spirit of mature wisdom, exemplifying in her public capacity the virtues and generous affections of human nature, a light to the world, an example to those who would be free, already the benefactress of humanity, the tutelary angel of liberty. She advances in her course with the energy of rectitude and the calmness of justice. Liberty is her

device; liberty is her glory; liberty is the American policy. This diffuses its blessings throughout all our land; this is cherished in our hearts, dearer than life and dear as honour; this is imbedded in our soil more firmly than the ancient granite in our mountains; this has been bequeathed to us by our fathers; and, whatever may befall us, we will transmit the heritage unimpaired to the coming generation.

These extracts will be sufficient to satisfy our readers of the increasing interest and importance of the class of productions from which they are taken.

Narrative of the Surrender of Buonaparte, and of his Residence on board H. M. S. Bellerophon; with a Detail of the principal Events that occurred in that Ship, between the 24th of May and the 8th of August, 1815. By Captain F. L. MAITLAND, C. B. Boston. 1826. pp. 176.

CAPTAIN MAITLAND took "notes and memoranda" of all the interesting circumstances which attended the reception and abode of Napoleon, on board the Bellerophon, and in compliance with the earnest solicitations of his friends, soon after "threw them together," which, we suppose, means, that he made this book of them. Doubtless this labour, which was the more severe, as his profession and habits were not those of a scholar, would not have been undergone, without some object; and it is scarcely probable, that his purpose then, was to wait eleven years before publishing his book. That Captain Maitland withheld his narrative from the public,-for whom he must, after all, have made it, at the time when he knew that it would be most acceptable to readers of every class, is certain; and the question suggests itself, why was it thus withheld? He confesses (p. 49), that he was "most anxious to terminate the affair he had brought so near a conclusion;" insomuch, that, when he found the approach of Napoleon's vessel delayed by an adverse wind, which was at the same time bringing within reach Sir Henry Hotham, the commanding officer on that station, he sent his own barge for Napoleon, in order to secure the prize; and afterwards replied very explicitly, to rather a leading question of Hotham's,-that if he could carry Napoleon to England in the Bellerophon, he would do so. Further, upon his arrival, he saw every body so anxious to look, though from a distance, upon the caught and caged lion, that the guard-boats

could not keep off the crowds; and all the world was eagerly devouring every tale of every fabulist, who bad aught to say of the imperial prisoner. And is it possible that Maitland, who must have felt that he had identified himself with one of the principal events of the age, and have known that all he might say would be received as authentic, is it possible, that any but very strong motives could have withheld him from assuming this position before the public, at once, and getting all the importance which it could give him? We add, that his narrative suggests motives quite sufficient to account for his conduct. We suppose, that, throughout, both in the withholding and in the publishing of his book, he has been under the control of his government. We believe that the British government were displeased with Captain Maitland's conduct to Napoleon, when on board the Bellerophon; it was inconsistent with their intended conduct to him; it was generous, liberal, honourable; and they would not give it so much sanction as to suffer their officer and servant to publish it to the world. It is in this view, that the treatment of Napoleon on board His Majesty's ship becomes interesting. Maitland conformed to all his reasonable wishes, as far as possible. We know that Napoleon surrendered himself only because he supposed it his best course to take the chance of being considered a prisoner; but until that chance went against him, he retained the character in which he came on board; and, therefore, Captain Maitland did all that he could to make his situation agreeable. He did not know how much of the mere honour of etiquette it might be proper to pay him; and he evaded that difficult question by receiving him at an hour of the morning when it is not customary to pay honours to any rank. Captain Maitland belongs to a distinguished family; and he is a gentleman, not by birth and station alone, but obviously by education and habit; and, doubtless, he was as far from the vulgar prejudice, which made Bonaparte a monster of iniquity, as from the vulgar admiration, which could see nothing that diminished his greatness; but the man had ruled the nations, and their banded array had burled him from empire; his sceptre was broken, his power had become weakness, his struggles were over, his hopes were dead; he was ruined. Unluckily for Captain Maitland, it did not occur to him, that, while he carefully avoided every thing which would commit his government, he could be personally too kind to such a guest. That the government, which he served, did not agree with him altogether, we infer from divers considerations. In the first place, Bonaparte was very differently treated

when their orders could be given more explicitly, and carried more into detail. In the next place, while Captain Maitland was thanked for getting hold of Napoleon, he never received any thing whatever, of approbation or acknowledgment, for his services during the difficult and trying emergencies to which the sojourn of Napoleon on board his ship exposed him; and such acknowledgments would hardly have been withheld from the near relation of the Earl of Lauderdale for a slight cause Moreover there is a "circumstance" which may be advantageously connected with this;-Savary and Lallemand came with Napoleon and were excessively alarmed lest the English government should surrender them to the French; Captain Maitland saw fit to write a letter to Lord Melville "stating that such a circumstance" would fix upon his [Maitland's] name, a stain he could not bear ;" and though neither Savary nor Lallemand was delivered over to punishment, we may gather from this narrative, that no notice whatever was taken of Maitland's civil and respectful though earnest letter. On the whole, although we know not whether it is more probable that the British Ministers would not permit the publication eleven years ago, or that Maitland's prudence, or that of his friends prevented him from disclosing to the public the variance between his conduct and the views and feelings of his government, we certainly think there is good reason to suppose that one or the other of these causes prevented our seeing this Narrative before.

We shall go into no discussion of the propriety of any part of the conduct of the British government towards the man whom they chose to consider their prisoner. We cannot suppose that the mere publication of this book, or our account of it, can awaken in our readers that interest in its principal subject, which the business of reviewing it has revived in ourselves; and therefore this is not the time or place for such a discussion. But we do not wish to escape this or any question ;-and very willingly say that we should find ourselves far more able to respect the men who then composed, and now mainly compose, the government of Great Britain, if they had followed the example which Captain Maitland set them.

It is a little ludicrous, that the author should say, with an attempt to say it seriously, that it required a period of eleven years, and the authority of "a most celebrated literary character" (understood to be Scott), to convince him that his work was worth publishing. Such cant as this can hardly be swallowed in this age; and it seems to be admitted in England, by every body,