But the old Christian state-the state which is founded in faith and love-can be renovated and re-established, not by the mere dead letter of any theory, though it should contain nothing but the pure dogmatic truth-but by faith-by love-by the religious energy of all the great fundamental principles of moral

life.

END OF LECTURE VIII.

LECTURE IX.

Character of the Romans-Sketch of their Conquests-On strict Law, and the Law of Equity in its application to History, and according to the Idea of Divine Justice-Commencement of the Christian Dispensation.

INSTEAD of that astonishing variety in the states, the races, the political constitutions, the manners, styles of art, and modes of intellectual cultivation, which divided from its very origin the social existence of Greece -a division which gave a more rich and diversified aspect to Greek civilisation—the ancient history of Italy shows us, on the contrary, how every thing merged more and more in the one, eternal, imperishable, ever-prosperous, ever-progressive, and at last all-devouring, city-Rome. The first ages, indeed, of Italy-the primitive nations that settled in that country-such as the Pelasgi, whose early historical existence is attested by those Cyclopean, or more properly, Pelasgic walls and constructions still extant there-the Etruscans (according to some authors, descended from the more northern race of Rhotians), from whom the Romans borrowed so many of their idolatrous rites and customs-the Sabines and Samnites, the Latins and the Trojans-lastly, the Celts in northern, and the Greeks in southern, Italy-all in their several relations to one another, and in the various commixture of their origin and progress, open a wide field of intricate investigation and perplexing research to the historical inquirer. But from the general point of view taken in universal history, all this antiquarian learning soon falls into the background, in the presence of that great central city which quickly absorbs into itself all the ancient states of Italy, and Italy itself, and which, though originally composed of many heterogeneous elements-Latin, Sabine, and Etruscan-still was very early moulded into an unity of character-and whose ulterior growth and progress, slow indeed at first, but soon as fearfully rapid as

it was immeasurably great, principally attracts the notice of the historical observer. In the later, and still more in the early, ages of Rome, the national idolatry was less poetically wrought and adorned than that of the Greeks-it was altogether much simpler, ruder, and more serious than the latter. Even the word religio, to take it in its first signification as a second tie, corresponds to a far more definite and serious object than can be found in the gay mythology of the popular religion of the Greeks. Idolatrous rites were closely interwoven into the whole life of the ancient Romans. As the twins of Mars, Romulus and Remus, who were suckled by the she-wolf, were called the founders of the city; so Mars himself was honoured by the Romans as their real progenitor, and principal national divinity -particularly under the name of Gradivus, that is to say, the swift for battle, or the strider of the earth. The sacred shields of brass which, on certain appointed festivals, were borne in the military dances, the Palladium, the sceptre of the venerable Priam, formed, together with similar relics of antiquity, the seven holy pledges of the eternal duration and ever-flourishing increase of the seven-hilled city, which was honoured under three different names; one whereof was ever kept secret, while the other two referred to its blooming strength and ever-enduring power. The ancient cities of the Greeks, those of the Italian nations, whether akin to them, or otherwise, possessed, indeed, their tutelary deities, their particular sanctuaries, their highly revered Palladium, some ancient oracles, and certain religious rites and festivals consecrated to their honour. But it would not be easy to find another example where the traditionary reverence, we might almost say, the old hereditary deification of the city, had, from the earliest period, taken such deep root in the minds of men; and where such a formal worship was so intimately interwoven with manners, customs, and even maxims of state, as among the Romans. And when an universal monarchy had sprung out from this single city, it was still that city-it was still eternal Rome that was ever regarded, not merely as the centre, but as the essence of the whole-the personified conception of the state-the grand idea of the empire. The early traditions of the Romans which, though from the commencement of the city they assume the garb of authentic history (as in the pages of Livy for instance), yet are for a long time to be regarded mostly as mere traditions,

evince a fact well entitled to our consideration,- -as it serves to show how that strong, inflexible, but harsh, Roman character, such as the later records of history display, manifested itself even in the earliest infancy of this people; it is this, that among no other nation, did historical recollections even of the remotest antiquity exert such a powerful influence on life, or strike so deep a root in the minds of men. Nearly five hundred years had elapsed since the time of the elder Brutus, when, in the Roman world now so mightily changed, a citizen appealed to the second Brutus in these words-" Brutus, thou sleepest"-as if to urge him to that deed which the first had perpetrated on the proud Tarquin, and by which that celebrated name had become identified with the idea of a bold deliverer. An ardent hatred towards all kings, and towards royalty itself, which from that period remained ever deeply fixed in the Roman mind, characterised this people even in the most ancient period of their history. Not only in the remarks and reflections of the later Roman historians on the first ages of Rome, but in facts themselves, as in the case of Spurius Cassius, we may trace the natural concomitant of this hatred-a passionate jealousy of all powerful party-chiefs, and democratic leaders, who were perhaps suspected, or probably convicted, of aspiring to supreme power in the state, and aiming at the establishment of tyranny-as if the Romans even then had a clear presentiment of the inevitable fate that awaited an empire like theirs, and of the quarter whence their ruin would proceed. Even in the first ages, the Patricians and Plebeians appear on the historical arena, not only as separate classes, such as existed in almost all ancient states, and between whom no matrimonial ties could be formed originally at Rome; but as political parties, in a state of mutual hostility, each of which strove to obtain the ascendency in the forum and in the

state.

The old Romans of these early times were strangers to those various systems of legislation, those rhetorical treatises of jurisprudence, conceived mostly on democratic principles, or to those opposite political theories composed in an aristocratic spirit, which the Greeks then possessed in such abundance. On the contrary, the Romans manifested even then, in the primitive period of their existence, a deep, perspicacious, practical sense, and a mighty political instinct, which showed itself in their first institutions of state. Even in the first idea of the Tribunate

as a regular mode of popular representation, an element of opposition introduced into the very constitution of the statethere was contained the germ of that mighty political power and action, which afterwards a man of energetic character, like Tiberius Gracchus, knew how to exert. This power, had it been kept within due limits, might have proved most beneficial to the community; and a single man, endowed with such a character, and animated by the same spirit of a true patriotic opposition, has often accomplished more at Rome, than whole parliaments in modern free states. The authority of the Censor, negative and restrictive in itself, but still not merely judicial—and which over the conduct of persons was very extensive-the exceptional institution of the Dictatorship, in the early ages of Rome by no means so dangerous-were so many just, and practical political discoveries of the Romans, which evince their statesman-like genius, and which even in later times, among other nations, and under various forms, have served as real and effectual elements in the constitution of states.

in war.

The interest of those two parties-the Plebeians and the Patricians concurred fully but in one point-the desire which both had of constantly invading the neighbouring nations, and obtaining landed possessions for themselves in the conquests they made for the state. The Plebeians ever and again cherished the hope of being able to obtain for their profit, and that of the poorer citizens, a sort of distribution of the state-lands won But as the Patricians were mostly invested with all the high offices and dignities in war as well as peace, they knew how to turn all the opportunities of conquest to their best advantage, however much they might on particular occasions postpone their private interests as individuals to the general interests of the state. Although, so long as their ancient principles remained unchanged, the Romans were distinguished for the utmost disinterestedness in regard to their country, and for great simplicity of manners, and even frugality in private life, they were in all their foreign enterprises, even in the earliest times, exceedingly covetous of gain, or rather of land; for it was in land, and the produce of the soil, that their principal, and almost only wealth consisted. The old Romans were a thoroughly agricultural people; and it was only at a later period that commerce, trades and arts were introduced among them, and even then they occupied but a subordinate place.