GENERAL INTRODUCTION

In the report here presented the Committee seeks to give a clear, unbiased statement and history of the purposes and objects, tactics and methods, of the various forces now at work in the United States, and particularly within the State of New York, which are seeking to undermine and destroy, not only the government under which we live, but also the very structure of American society; it also seeks to analyze the various constructive forces which are at work throughout the country counteracting these evil influences and to present the many industrial and social problems that these constructive forces must meet and are meeting.

The Great War has shaken the foundation of European civilization. The same forces which promote civil strife in many of the countries of Europe are at work on this side of the ocean seeking to create a division in our population, stimulating class hatred and a contempt for government, which, if continued, must necessarily result in serious consequences to the peace and prosperity of this country. In doing this they are taking advantage of the real grievances and natural demands of the working classes for a larger share in the management and use of the common wealth.

The problems which were submitted by the Legislature to this Committee for investigation, are vital to the country's life. Upon the steps taken toward their solution, the Committee feels depends the perpetuation of our institutions. We therefore urge members of the Legislature and those into whose hands this report may come, to consider thoughtfully the facts here presented, in order to become acquainted with the subversive forces at work within our boundaries, and to give them careful and devoted study, so as to determine what steps shall and must be taken towards the solution of the problems they create.

In the section of this report dealing with American conditions, the Committee has attempted to describe in detail the various organizations masquerading as political parties, giving the principles and objects for which they stand, as well as the methods

and tactics they employ or advocate in order to bring about the social revolution.

In every instance the Committee has relied upon the so-called party or organization's own statements with respect to these matters. They are permitted to speak for themselves. These organizations fall into two principal classes. The first group composes the Socialist movement; the second consists of the American adherents of the Anarchist philosophy.

Those representing the Socialist point of view are, the Socialist Party of America, the Communist Party of America, the Communist Labor Party, and the Socialist Labor Party. Each of these groups claims to be the most modern and aggressive body representing the Marxian doctrines.

A study of their platforms and official pronouncements shows that they do not differ fundamentally in their objectives. These objectives are: the establishment of the co-operative commonwealth in place of the present form of government in the United States; the overthrow of what they are pleased to call the capitalist system, namely, the present system under which we live, and the substitution in its place of collective ownership, and the management of means of production and distribution by the working class.

These organizations differ but slightly in the means advocated to bring about the social revolution. All are agreed that success can be obtained only through the destruction of the present trade union organizations of the working class, and by creating in their stead revolutionary industrial unions having the power (through industrial action involving the general strike and sabotage) to so cripple the government as to render it powerless to prevent the establishment of the co-operative commonwealth and the workingclass rule.

A study of the chapters dealing with these organizations reveals the fact that they differ slightly in the matter of emphasis. The Socialist Party, the Socialist Labor Party and the American Labor Party believe that parliamentary action, participation in elections, offering candidates for public office, and taking part in legislative activities, afford an added weapon for the carrying on of revolutionary propaganda. On the other hand, the Communist Party and the Communist Labor Party feel that the time is ripe for immediate action, and in large measure deny the value of parliamentary action, laying the entire stress upon industrial

organization, and the mass action of revolutionary organizations. The anarchist movement repudiates parliamentary or political action altogether. It seeks the overthrow of present organized society and the substitution for it of an ill-defined co-operative commonwealth. It is at one with the Socialist group, however, in advocating revolutionary industrial unionism as the means for accomplishing the destruction of the present form of government and the present system of society.

General strikes and sabotage are the direct means advocated. Anyone who studies the propaganda of the various groups which we have named, will learn that the arguments employed are the same; that the methods and tactics advocated cannot be distinguished from one another, and that articles or speeches made on the question of tactics or methods by anarchists could, with propriety, be published in Socialist or Communist newspapers without offending the membership of these organizations. The result of the propaganda of the quasi-political organizations which has been spread throughout the country broadcast to the working class organizations, and particularly among the foreign groups, has been to undermine the confidence of these workers in the conservative trade union organizations and lead to the formation of a large number of powerful and independent revolutionary industrial unions.

These organizations are treated in this report in the sub-section dealing with revolutionary Industrial Unionism.

The most successful of these organizations is the Industrial Workers of the World. Its propaganda is world-wide. Its members have invaded the membership of conservative organizations of labor, with the view of agitating within trade unions so as to weaken control of conservative labor leaders over a considerable number of their workmen. This method of "boring from within " has been extremely effective and has in large measure permeated the Central Federated Union of New York City as well as many union groups in other parts of the State, engendering radical and revolutionary spirit in their rank and file. It is this phase of the movement which presents the most serious aspect. These tactics are the ones which offer at least a promise of success in their undermining of society and of our present form of government.

The effect of this propaganda is particularly pernicious because it undermines and destroys the moral responsibility of the workers.

The motto "a fair day's pay for a fair day's work" is described as "impossible."

Men are taught that they must strike for higher and higher wages, shorter and shorter hours and slow up at the same time the working pace, ignoring the quality of work they turn out and in every way possible lowering production.

The avowed purpose is to drive business into bankruptcy, when it would be taken over by the workers. Strikes are called not

with the idea of obtaining what is demanded but for the express purpose of failure-a failure that will leave the workman poorer and more embittered, will increase class hatred and make the workmen feel that only by violent revolution can they gain their demands.

It should not be necessary to point out the logical consequences of such propaganda. The per capita production of the men in industry is necessarily lowered and the cost of the product many times increased. This in the opinion of the Committee is one of the largest factors responsible for the high cost of living which is now a matter of grave concern to all classes of society in this country. While the Committee has been unable in the course of its investigation to make a study of the effects of profiteering and improper and useless handling of manufactured products and raw materials in the course of their distribution, it is certain that these elements also contribute toward the prevailing high prices. It is a matter of regret to the Committee that there has been no thorough investigation into the various elements which go to make up the costs of necessaries of life. It feels that no complete solution of the existing social and economic problems can be offered or suggested until all the facts bearing on this important question have been thoroughly studied and analyzed.

While the nature of this investigation has led the Committee to lay its emphasis upon the activities of subversive organizations, it feels that this report would not be complete if it did not state emphatically that it believes that those persons in business and commercial enterprise and certain owners of property who seek to take advantage of the situation to reap inordinate gain from the public, contribute in no small part to the social unrest which affords the radical a field of operation which otherwise would be closed to him.

As soon as the investigation was broadened so as to pass from the United States to a consideration of the European conditions

during the last generation, it became perfectly clear that it would be impossible not only to understand what has led to this present condition in America but also impossible to understand the rapid changes and fluctuations in the American situation, unless we keep in touch with the past and present of the European movement in every country and unless we reach the fundamental principles and springs of action which have governed the councils of the leaders of radical thought in Europe ever since the time of the Revolution of 1848.

The very first general fact that must be driven home to Americans is that the pacifist movement in this country, the growth and connections of which are an important part of this report, is an absolutely integral and fundamental part of International Socialism. It is not an accretion. It is not a side issue. European Socialism concentrated its efforts in three directions:

The first was to organize labor as a step-daughter, an acolyte, a coadjutor of the great Socialist policy, in order to obtain a great mass of supporters for the revolution.

The second was the use of political action as a means and not an end; as a means for obtaining gradual control, or for obtaining paramount influence until the complete triumph of Socialism would make parliamentary government a thing of the past.

The third purpose was the creation of an International sentiment to supersede national patriotism and effort, and this internationalism was based upon pacifism, in the sense that it opposed all wars between nations and developed at the same time the class consciousness that was to culminate in relentless class warfare. In other words, it was not really peace that was the goal, but the abolition of the patriotic, warlike spirit of nationalities.

The entire program, in all its three sections, was based upon the ideas of one man and largely on the ideas expressed in one of his writings. The founder of Socialism and its present dominating force is Karl Marx. Its Ten Commandments are the Communist Manifesto of Marx, issued in 1848. This is true of the American, as it is true of the European movement. To understand every present campaign, every present alliance, we must read the Communist Manifesto.

The present program of the Third Communist International, founded at Moscow, is avowedly only the carrying out of the ideas of seventy-two years ago, as expressed in the Manifesto. If we want to know what the revolutionists expect to gain by the general