such as revolutionary use of bourgeois parliamentarism, will be of only secondary significance.

The indispensable condition for successful struggle is separation not only from the direct servitors of capitalism and enemies of the communist revolution, in which role the Social Democrats of the Right appear, but also from the Party of the Centre (Kautskians), who desert the proletariat at the critical moment in order to come to terms with its open antagonists. On the other hand, there are essential elements of the proletariat, heretofore not within the Socialist Party, who stand now completely and absolutely on the platform of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of council rule, for example, the corresponding elements among the Syndicalists.

The growth of the revolutionary movement in all lands, the dangers of suppression of this revolution through the coalition of capitalistic states, the attempts of the Socialist betrayers to unite with one another (the formation of the Yellow "International " at Berne), and to give their services to the Wilsonian League; finally, the absolute necessity for co-ordination of proletarian actions, all these demand the formation of a real revolutionary and real proletarian Communist International. This International, which subordinates the so-called national interests to the interests of the international revolution, will personify the mutual help of the proletariat of the different countries, for without economic and other mutual helpfulness the proletariat will not be able to organize the new society. On the other hand, in contrast with the Yellow International of the social-patriots, the proletarian Communist International will support the plundered colonial peoples in their fight against imperialism, in order to hasten the final collapse of the imperialistic world system.

The capitalistic criminals asserted at the beginning of the World War, that it was only in defense of the common Fatherland. But soon German imperialism revealed its real brigand character by its bloody deeds in Russia, in the Ukraine and in Finland. Now the Entente states unmask themselves as world. despoilers and murderers in the proletariat. Together with the German bourgeoisie and social-patriots, with hypocritical phrases about peace on their lips, they are trying to throttle the revolution of the European proletariat by means of their war machinery and stupid barbaric colonial soldiery. Indescribable is the White Terror of the bourgeois cannibals. Incalculable are the sacrifices

of the working class. Their best - Liebknecht, Rosa Luxembourg- they have lost. Against this the proletariat must defend itself, defend at any price. The Communist International calls the entire world proletariat to this final struggle.

Down with the imperial conspiracy of Capital!

Long live the International Republic of the Proletarian Coun cils!

Moscow, March 2-6, 1919.

THE THIRD INTERNATIONAL

The problem as phrased by the Third International manifesto is this: "Is the whole of laboring mankind to become serfs and day-laborers under a victorious international clique, which, in the name of the League of Nations, and assisted by an 'international army and an international' fleet, alternately plunders or casts a morsel of bread to the needy, but everywhere keeps the proletariat in chains with the sole aim of retaining its own power; or shall the working classes in Europe and the most civilized countries in other parts of the world take into their own hands the shaken and ruined world economy and thus ensure its restoration on the basis of Socialism?"

To bring to an end the prevailing crisis will only be possible with the help of proletarian dictatorship, which will not look back to the past nor show consideration for inherited privileges or rights of property.

The national state, which gave such a mighty impulse to capi talist development, has become too restricted for the continued. development of the productive forces. The collapse of the imperialist state, from the Czarist to the most democratic, as proceeding simultaneously with the collapse of the national unity, is synonymous with the inevitable collapse of the army, to the revolt of the soldier against his officer, and later to a sharp division between the proletarian and bourgeois elements in the army. Imperialist war, which opposes one nation against the other, is followed by civil war where class is opposed to class.

The outery by the bourgeois world against civil war and the. Red Terror is the most abominable hypocrisy ever noted in the history of political fighting. There would be no civil war if the profiteering cliques who have brought mankind to the verge of ruin did not oppose all progress on the part of the working

masses.

Civil war is forced on the working classes by their mortal enemy. The working classes must return blow for blow. The Communist parties never try by artificial means to encourage civil war, but exert themselves, as far as possible, to shorten the duration of it, and if it does become an imperative necessity, they endeavor to keep down the number of victims, and above all to secure victory for the proletariat. From this will clearly be seen the necessity of disarming the bourgeoisie and arming the proletariat and thus raising an army for the protection of the power of the proletariat and the inviolability of the Socialist Social Community.

Socialism in Mexico, Central and South America *

It may seem unnatural, but it is quite logical, that the developments of the socialistic and labor situations in Mexico and South America, although on our own continent, should have less vital connection with our own situation than any of the European developments. In the first place, the soil was not propitious for the development either of organized labor or of political or economic Socialism. It is only during the years just before and after 1900 that any beginning was made either to organize labor or to the development of a socialist party.

It was natural that the first developments should take place in Argentina, because of the very large proportion among the workmen there of hundreds of thousands, not to say millions, of emigrants from Italy and Germany, who brought with them to the Argentine the socialistic and unionizing tendencies of their motherlands. The Socialist Party in the Argentine was founded in 1896 and it almost immediately established connections with the International Socialist Bureau, which it joined in 1904, taking part in their subsequent Congress. It took part also in parliamentary elections at home, electing two deputies in 1912 and four in 1913, and nine in 1914. There was no corresponding development of trade unionism or of co-operative organization. In Chile, where the miners formed a very strong element among the workingmen, there was an early development of socialist and democratic tendencies among the workers without an exact definition of socialist principles or the organization of a definitely socialist party, until, in 1912, there was formed in the northern part of the country a socialist labor party which was strengthened by the already existing organization in the Argentine.

A difference between the Chilean and the Argentine situation is the far greater development of union labor in Chile. The only reason why the unions did not sooner obtain political power, is the lack of a close federation of unions. Brazil was even later in coming into line, no socialist party being formed until 1916, and there being no organization of workmen's unions of any import

ance.

In Peru there is a federation called the Centro-Latino Americano, composed of three sections or sub-federations of labor, made of workmen of every sort, from hod carriers to street car men,

up

*See Addendum, Part I.

in the General Federation of Workers; of printers, carpenters, painters and others, in the Federation of Artisans; and of every class of workman in the Federation of Mutual Benefit Societies. The organizations have very little to do with politics or economics, and are simply a basis upon which socialism and labor unionism can build, especially as they form the main link with the corresponding classes, in Chile, with which country their own is politically at swords' points.

In Mexico, with one exception, the situation is even less propitious for organized labor, and theoretical Socialism in connection with labor, than in the Argentine. Yet, in one province of Mexico, in Yucatan, which is industrially speaking, very advanced, a socialistic government has actually been applied for several years with communistic elements in the administration. In the rest of Mexico a vague sort of Socialism, quite lacking in the scientific characteristics of real Socialism, has made progress since the beginning of the war.

During 1918 and 1919, partly owing to the influence of outside agitators, the scheme of the general strikes and of special strikes in public utilities was attempted to exercise pressure on the governments in a number of South American states. In the American Labor Year Book for 1919-1920, page 324, we read:

"General unrest was manifested among the workers of South American countries during 1918-1919. Argentina, Uruguay, Chile and Peru have experienced a general strike movement, which, though industrial in origin, had assumed political importance, and brought the workers in direct conflict with their respective governments. In many instances, troops had to be used to quell the riots which were a result of the oppressive measures, practiced by the local police authorities.

"The railway workers of Argentina declared a general strike in the winter of 1918, which paralyzed transportation throughout the country. The steel workers followed with a strike in the beginning of 1919, and a sympathetic general strike was proclaimed to aid the striking steel workers. Strikes of longshoremen, clerks, telephone operators and workers of many other callings took place during the spring and summer of 1919. The strike movement greatly aided the Socialists, who were among the leaders of the striking workers. In the municipal elections of Buenos Aires in October, 1918, which was soon after the railway strike, the