Notwithstanding (or perhaps because of) these elaborate plans, Lochner and his comrades in Minneapolis were literally driven from pillar to post in secking a meeting place for their convention; and on August 27, 1917, public opinion rose to such a pitch that Governor Burnquist of Minnesota issued a proclamation forbidding the People's Council Convention to be held anywhere in the State of Minnesota on the ground that the sheriff has "advised me that said convention and meeting if held, in his opinion, would result in bloodshed, rioting and loss of life; and whereas, said convention and meeting can, in my opinion, under the circumstances, have no other effect than that of aiding and abetting the enemies of this country."

Following this proclamation Lochner still persisted according to the following telegram from Mayor Van Lear both to the New York "Call" and the New York "Tribune":

Lochner, executive secretary, wired Burnquist's proclamation to President Wilson with protest against that docu

ment.

Also announced that no attempt would be made to hold meeting in Minnesota. Arrangements being made for meeting in another city but no announcement tonight." Evidently, however, the governor's proclamation was effective; for on August 29, 1917, one of the Lochner conference officials, D. Shier, sent out the following day letter to the "Forward," the Yiddish newspaper at 175 East Broadway, New York City:

"Governor Burnquist barred People's Council from Minnesota acting on instructions from Sheriff Langum that if the convention was held it would result in bloodshed, rioting and loss of life. Invitations from two different states for the People's Council to meet there. Governor Phillip of Wisconsin agreed to permit meeting in Milwaukee. Following telegram was received from Governor Frazier of North Dakota: 'The People's Council of America for Democracy and Peace will be guaranteed their constitutional rights in North Dakota-we are loyal and patriotic and believe in freedom of speech for all people. (Signed, Lynn J. Frazier.)'

"Attorney General Langer of North Dakota wires he is going to pick a town for us - he is on the job now."

Both Fargo, N. D., and Hudson, Wis., were presently suggested as the meeting place for the convention, but both were

found impracticable. Finally, all delegates, speakers, publicity people, special trains, etc., had to be notified that the People's Council's Congress would have to be held in Chicago.1

Here on September 2, 1917, the forces gathered, held several mild meetings, issued a mild bulletin, and were finally dispersed by order of the Governor of the State of Illinois.

From this time on, the People's Council, though working effectively enough in its many centers throughout the country, did so more or less quietly. Naturally there was no publicity given to Lochner's cablegram of March 3, 1918, to the People's Commissaires at Petrograd.3 This, which was signed also by Scott Nearing and James Maurer, read as follows:

"People's Council of America for democratic peace representing 300 radical groups in forty-two states, has consistently stood for Russian formula of no annexations, no indemnities and self determination. We urge you to make no other terms."

There remains only to record a mass meeting of the People's Council at Madison Square Garden, New York, May 25, 1919, called "Justice to Russia," which protested against the blockade and intervention generally. The speakers were Magnes, Lincoln A. Colcord, Frederic C. Howe and Amos Pinchot. Louis Lochner presided.*

Lochner, who was a lecturer at the Rand School in 1919, today is in charge of People's Print at 138 W. 13th street, New York City, which is the department of publications of the People's Freedom Union, virtually a clearing house for ultra-radical leaflets and pamphlets. The People's Print is under the same roof with the American Civil Liberties Union.5.

1

Copy of telegram sent to list of delegates, Aug. 30, 1917. 'Convention number, People's Council Bulletin, Sept., 1917. Photostat of intercepted cablegram.

⚫ Document, "Justice to Russia," May 25, 1917. 'See Addendum, Part I, for later information.

Development of American League to Limit Armaments, December 18, 1914, Into The American Civil Liberties Union, January, 1920.*

In order properly to understand the attitude taken by the American Civil Liberties Union in March, 1920, we must go back to December 18, 1914, when, almost on the same day that the Emergency Federation of Peace forces in Chicago began their campaign, the American League to Limit Armaments was organized in New York City. With the outbreak of the war in 1914, the majority of the American public was in sympathy with the Entente, this feeling increasing with each new violation of international law by the German army of occupation in Belgium, and the action of the German navy on the high seas. German propagandists saw that public opinion in the United States was slowly driven toward the point which would require the Administration to enter the conflict on the side of the Entente.

To compel American neutrality and to still the growing demand for military preparation by the United States, it became necessary for German propagandists to stimulate pacifist sentiment in this country. In order to prevent the entry of the United States into the war and to create a sentiment looking toward intervention by this country (thus bringing about a peace favorable to Germany), existing German and certain other societies were employed. Also new organizations were created for the purpose of holding mass meetings, distributing pacifist literature, using their influence with Congress to prevent the enactment of laws enlarging our military establishment, as well as disturbing the harmony existing between the United States and Great Britain.

The activities of these German propagandists is now a matter of history, having been thoroughly inquired into by the Judiciary Committee of the United States Senate. The effect of this propaganda was to encourage American citizens of pacifist tendencies to organize and to co-operate in order to achieve the same purpose. In the preceding chapters, the history of the pacifist movement has been traced; and it is the purpose of this chapter to trace the history of the anti-military movement, begin

* See Addendum, Part I.

ning with the organization of the American League to Limit Armaments, which had its offices at 43 Cedar street, New York City.

This association was created for the following purposes:

"The American League to Limit Armaments is organized. to combat militarism and the spread of the militaristic spirit in the United States. It will use its influence to promote a sane national policy for the preservation of international law and order, with the least reliance upon force, and to secure the efficient use of moneys appropriated for that purpose. Any person in sympathy with these purposes will be eligible to membership without payment of dues." (Taken from the letterhead of this organization.)

At a meeting of the organizers of this league, held on December 18, 1914, at the Railroad Club, 30 Church street, New York City, it was resolved:

"That the true policy of this country is not to increase its land and sea forces but to retain for productive and humanizing outlay the vast sums demanded for armaments, and to wait steadfastly for the day when we may offer our disinterested aid in helping the nations of Europe, crippled by excesses of militarism, to free themselves and the world from the waste and terror of built-up instruments of destruction." (Minutes of proceedings of that meeting.)

Among the active organizers of this league will be found the names of many who were at the same time active in the movement directed by Louis Lochner in Chicago, under the name of the Emergency Peace Federation. Among them are: Jane Addams, Rev. John Haynes Holmes, David Starr Jordan, Dr. Jacques Loeb, Dr. George W. Nasmyth, George Foster Peabody, Oswald Garrison Villard, Morris Hillquit, Hamilton Holt, Elsie Clews Parsons, Lillian D. Wald, Stephen S. Wise, and L. Hollingsworth Wood, secretary.1

These persons, with others in high standing, were able to enlist the support of a large number of thoroughly patriotic citizens, who withdrew from the movement as soon as they became acquainted with the intentions of its leaders,

From Minutes of First Meeting of League to Limit Armaments, Dec. 18,

and also as they began to see more clearly the nature of the international problems confronting the United States.

In the early part of 1915, the members of the executive committee of this league felt that its scope was not wide enough and, therefore, the anti-preparedness committee was formed, which later became the American Union against Militarism, with headquarters at 70 Fifth avenue, New York City. As time went on, the activity of German propagandists became less and less conspicuous, whereas the American Union against Militarism became increasingly more active. It is not intended to intimate here that those who participated in this movement were all German propagandists, or received any compensation or other benefits. from German forces. It is necessary, however, to point out that their activities carried out to the letter the plans which had previously been outlined by German propagandists, though unquestionably many were not aware of this fact.

The work of the American Union against Militarism, beyond seeking to prevent legislation looking toward the increase of the military establishment of the United States, and seeking to bring about intervention in the European conflict, does not assume real significance, so far as the report of this Committee is concerned, until America had actually entered the conflict.

The passage of the draft act, after our entry into the war, caused the American Union Against Militarism to increase its activity. It immediately undertook to assist all persons desiring to avoid the draft, and to protect all persons from so-called "infringement of civil liberties," opening branch offices under the name of the Civil Liberties Bureau, both in Washington and New York, for this purpose.

The avowed intention of these branch offices was to protect all persons (and especially conscientious objectors) from so-called. infringement of civil liberties, but throughout the history of the Civil Liberties Bureau, the effect was certainly to suggest to men to become "conscientious objectors."

The American Union against Militarism then, with the specific free speech issue taken care of by its branch offices, devoted itself largely to working out an elaborate organization plan for an anti-conscription campaign, both local and national.