Still other examples of strategy of one kind or another which helped build up or disguise the true nature of the First American Conference for Democracy and Peace were as follows:

1. A telegram dated May 7, 1917, from Judge Lindsey to Lochner: "Am in sympathy with your purposes, but for reasons that I will write you more at length it is better at this time that my name should not be signed to Call." "

2. A letter from Lochner to Miss Balch1 quoting Rabbi Magnes as advising the Conference to go more or less easy on conscription and other "anti" issues, putting stress instead upon "constructive measures looking toward a re-establishment of international relations."

3. A long letter from Lochner to Mrs. Robert La Follette, in an endeavor to make the Senator appear publicly at the confer ence, and a similar letter from Miss Secor to young Robert La Follette, son of the Senator.2

4. A letter from Miss Lenora Warneson, who organized a conference in Kansas City, Mo., under the name of the "Kansas City Federation for Democratic Control." "We chose that title as less alarming to the easily terrorized than our former name, 'American Union Against Militarism."" (May 7, 1917.)

5. A letter from the secretary of Rev. Frederick Lynch of the Church Peace Union (May 25, 1919) (who had previously been compelled by his board to resign as treasurer of the Emergency Peace Federation) enclosing check nevertheless, signed by Dr. Lynch, and asking that the date of his letter of resignation be accordingly brought forward. A letter from Dr. Lynch himself to Lochner on his staying in the Church Peace Union, "in order not to lose what radical sentiment there still exists in these boards."

6. A letter from Alice Cassidy of 530 West 123d street, New York City, of May 16, 1917, offering to do propaganda work for Lochner. We quote from the letter: "I have been quietly arousing a peace sentiment since the beginning of the war two and a half years ago, and previous to that I was active in almost all the big strikes, as I was at that time connected with the Woman's Trade Union League. You may telephone Miss Mary E. Dreier, and she will tell you that my work was always effective."

May 18, 1917. 'May 10, 1917.

In a second letter, dated May 22, 1917, Miss Cassidy writes: "I am enclosing a list of colored organizations which meet uptown. I presume you will have to communicate with them in case you intend sending speakers to address them."

7. A letter of adverse criticism (May 25, 1917) from Richard H. Rice, of Lynn, Mass.: "I consider that participation in this conference is an act of treason and that the propaganda which you apparently are intending to launch is probably inspired by German influence and financed by German capital;" and Lochner's propitiatory, protesting answer, a specimen of his juggling with the truth with which he usually tried to disarm his critics.

8. A letter to Lochner from George Nasmyth, May 21, 1917, introducing Rev. Linley Gordon, "who has been doing a splendid piece of work speaking and organizing against conscription in Australia." And a second Nasmyth letter, May 25, 1917, advising Miss Balch against including "opposition to compulsory military training during the war as a permanent policy" in the Conference program,- this however purely for strategic reasons.

9. A letter from Henry R. Linville of the Teachers' Union, objecting among other things to Morris Hillquit being sent to Russia as a representative of the Conference Committee: "I have never been able,” Mr. Linville goes on, "to detect anything American in sympathy in the psychology of Hillquit. I have had some difficulty in assuring myself that the American Conference contained the elements that would be able to make an effective appeal to American Democracy any more successfully than would the Socialist Party The party of which I

am a member

10. Correspondence with J. Harris Crook of the League for Democratic Control of Boston, who promised May 19, 1917, to send three delegates to the Conference (besides himself) and offering some moderation of the program, also on tactical grounds.

11. A letter from John Jay Cisco, Jr., of Greenwich, Conn., May 18, 1917, who wished to co-operate with Lochner in organizing a "No-conscription Fellowship of the World" (Mr. Cisco's chief claim to distinction-aside from his pride in being a conscientious objector- seems to have been a sort of left handed acquaintanceship, twice removed, with Bertrand Russell, the English Pacifist).

12. A letter from Harry Lashkowitz of Fargo, N. D., May 11,

1917, to Morris Hillquit, expressing a wish to bring about "a consolidation of the people of this state to help secure peace with no indemnities nor forcible annexations, no foreign alliances; international organization after the war, opposition to conscription and statement of terms by our government."

13. A note of introduction to labor unions of New York City and vicinity from Lochner, May 19, 1917, reading as follows: "This is certify that Mr. James J. Bagley and Mr. Walter F. Rockstroh have been duly appointed to represent the Conference before labor unions, with a view to enlisting the co-operation of the labor movement and securing delegates for the Conference."

14. A letter from the Massachusetts Council of the Friends of Irish Freedom, expressing sympathy with the aims of the Conference. (May 5, 1917.)

15. A letter from Miss Balch to her Conference associates giving the news that the Federal Council of Churches would have the subject of conscientious objectors "strongly presented; "1 and quoting the following telegram from Mrs. Lloyd in Chicago: "Radical group including Addams decided Saturday to hold auditorium protest meeting Sunday, May 27. Can you get anyone in Congress to promise to speak. again, if unsuccessful try Thomas Cooper, Anthony, Rankin.

Try La Follette Keating, Gronna,

16. A letter from Miss Mabel H. Williamson, of Teachers' College, May 8, 1917, asking for "fifty of our resolutions; I speak for the branch here of the Fellowship of Reconciliation."

17. A letter from C. S. Longacre of the Religious Library Association of Washington, D. C., suggesting that he would submit "a list of our ministers" to Lochner, if called for. (May 10, 1917.)

18. A letter from Rev. Edw. Blakeman, of the University Methodist Episcopal Church of Madison, Wis., to Lochner, congratulating him upon his "tenacity and inguenuity.

(April 10, 1917.) Men who can over three or four years promote these manoeuvres under the conditions prevailing should be able to outdo Milton in Paradise Lost.

19. A letter from Robert W. Dunn, of the Yale "Courant" (May 21, 1917), promising to distribute Lochner's invitations to the Conference among the Yale pacifists. "Our organizations May 14, 1917.

1

are distinctly collegiate. Yet I shall use my personal influence to have the Socialist Party, perhaps some of the labor bodies, Woman's Peace Party, etc., in the city send representatives."

20. Another letter from Cisco, giving Bertrand Russell's address. (May 26, 1917.) He then adds: "Will you try to secure the co-operation of the Emergency Peace Federation, the American Union against Militarism and most important, the innumerable locals of the Socialist Party in rounding up the helter-skelter anti-conscription organizations under one great purposeful head?"

21. Suggestions of Scott Nearing for the Conference, in some detail.1 He urges as a working program the joining of forces of the Woman's Peace Party, the American Legal Defense League, the American Union against Militarism, the Emergency Peace Federation, the labor unions, American Association for Labor Legislation, the Socialist Party and the Socialist Labor Party all with a view to having "every agency in the United States that stands for democracy working together in this common cause." As a final word Mr. Nearing adds: "The League will work towards the establishment of industrial democracy in the United States after the war."

22. A letter from Louis Kopelin, owner and editor of the "Appeal to Reason," to Morris Hillquit, May 31, 1917, offering his publication for sale to the Peace Conference, "which I understand is the central body of all the peace associations and the Socialist Party."

23. From Paul U. Kellogg to Miss Balch, May 10, 1917, regretting that the Conference dates conflict with that Conference on Foreign Relations, the results of your work, Mr. Villard's and

mine

In these, as well as many other sources of co-operation, Lochner, Miss Freeman and Miss Balch, aided by Hillquit and Magnes proceeded with the building up of the "Peace" Conference, which as it came nearer and nearer became less and less peaceful and more and more openly socialistic. In spite of all criticism, friendly and unfriendly, in spite of the fact that the Holland House, the place originally set for the Conference meeting, put the radicals out, Lochner and his fellow campaigners continued the building up of their anti-war, anti-conscription, anti

1

1 Suggestions of Scott Nearing, Toledo, O., May 26, 1917.

allies, in a word, anti-democratic (in the true sense) Federation. And, finally, the conference of May 30 and 31, 1917, was called at Madison Square Garden.1

Anyone who wishes to learn the entire happenings of these two days will do well to read every word of the first session of the "First American Conference of Democracy and Terms of Peace" in pamphlet form. But for the benefit of those who prefer short cuts, a digest of the pamphlet will follow.

Title page of Report of Conference.