Institutional Churches

The Roman Church in Germany was not slow in availing herself of this movement. She carries on a similar work on a smaller scale under various names, e. g., Society of St. Vincent, Society of St. Boniface, etc.

The President of the society is Dr. Gaebel. Address: Central Ausschuss für Innere Mission, Berlin, W., 35 Genthinerstrasse 38.

RUDOLPH M. BINDER.

REFERENCES: A series of articles in American Journal of Sociology for 1896; Fünfzig Jahre Innerer Mission (Bericht über die Thätigkeit des Central Ausschusses, Berlin, 1898); Wurster, Die Lehre von der Inneren Mission, Berlin, 1895; Schäfer, Kalender des Inneren Mission.

INSANITY: The statistics of insanity in most countries are not complete; in many there are no reliable recent statistics, and even in those countries where there are such statistics, the degree of completion of the recent statistics so varies from the degree of completion of former statistics as to make comparison almost useless, and often misleading. General statistics tend to be more and more complete, so that a higher number reported insane may not mean an actual increase, but only a more complete return. Again, in most countries the tendency is on the increase to place the insane in asylums and institutions, where they are much more easily registered than in private homes. Nevertheless, it seems to be the opinion of most statisticians that, allowing for all this, insanity is on the increase in most countries.

According to the census, the insane in the United States in 1890 numbered 106,485, of whom 74,028 were in hospitals. In the Census Special Report issued in 1903, only the insane in hospitals were considered. These had increased to 150,151 in 1906. The number of hospitals for the insane had increased from 162 in 1890 to 328 in 1903. The insane in hospitals had increased from 81.6 per 100,000 of population in 1880 to 118.2 per cent in 1890, to 186.2 per cent in 1900.

The number of insane males in hospitals was 78,523, and females 71,628. In proportion to population there were more white than negro insane. The maximum concentration of age was between twenty-five and thirty-five years. Female insane live longer than male insane, and white insane than negro insane.

Statistics

Forty-one and six tenths per cent had been employed as laborers and servants before becoming inmates, 22.5 per cent had been occupied in agriculture, transportation, and other outdoor pursuits, and 16 per cent in manufacturing and mechanical industries; 50 per cent were single and 36 per cent married. Of the 328 hospitals for the insane, 226 were public and 102 private. The annual cost of the public hospitals approximated $21,000,000.

In England and Wales in 1906 there were 121,979 lunatics, of whom 111,256 were paupers and 921 criminals. In 1900 the total number was

106,611 with 97,028 paupers. But while in 1903 there was an increase of 3,251 over 1902, in 1906 the increase was only 2,150 over the previous year. The men number 33.71 per 10,000, and the women 36.80 per 10,000.

The cost of maintaining these lunatics in England and Wales is 14s. 2d. each per week, in Scotland 15s. 10d. For the United Kingdom Parliament makes a provision of £980,570 in payment of the cost of maintenance; the rates provide £2,187,526, and patients pay £311,492.

The total bill therefore is about £3,500,000 yearly.

Of Australia and of the United Kingdom Coglan's "Statistical Account" (1903-4) says, pp. 848-849:

There seems to be little doubt that insanity is slowly but steadily increasing in the states, as it is in the United Kingdom and other countries. In England the rate has risen from 2.75 per 1,000 of population in 1879 to 3.41 in 1902, and in Scotland a similar rise has taken place from 2.75 per 1,000 in 1884 to 3.53 in 1902. In Ireland the rate has risen from 2.50 per 1,000 of the population in 1880 to 4.99 per 1,000 in 1902. The greater part of this increase is no doubt rightly attributed to an improvement in the administration of the Commissioners in Lunacy, by which a more accurate knowledge of the number of cases existent in the country has been gained; but the steady growth of the rate in recent years, when statistical information has been brought to a high pitch of perfection, plainly points to the fact that the advance of civilization, with the increasing strain to which the struggle for existence is subjecting body and mind, has one of its results in the growth of insanity. In all the states of Australasia, with the sole exception of Tasmania, there is seen the same state of affairs as the insanity returns of Great Britain disclose, altho the conditions of life press much more lightly on the individual here.

Victoria has the highest general rate with 3.77 per 1,000, New Zealand coming next with 3.53. closely followed by Queensland with 3.51. Next comes New South Wales with 3.32; South Australia with 2.71; Tasmania with 2.49; while Western Australia shows the lowest proportion with 1.79 per 1,000. New Zealand shows the highest rate for males with 4.03 per 1,000, followed by Queensland and Victoria with 3.91; and Victoria with 3.63 per 1,000 has the largest proportion of females.

Germany had (1897) 151,126 insane-mentally deranged, 98,357, or 65.1 per cent; paralytically deranged, 15,243, or 10; epileptically deranged, 14,135, or 9.4; imbecility and idiocy, 17,844, or 11.8; delirium tremens, 5,547, or 3.7. There are on the whole 2 insane persons in every 1,000 of the population who need treatment in asylums. There were (1900) 394 institutions for the insane, with 87,000 beds, against 199 and 28,300 in 1876. The mortality among the insane was 22.6 per cent. From 45 to 47 per cent are women.

International Statistics.-Professor Mayo-Smith ("Statistics and Sociology," p. 213) gives the following table, but reminds us that it is of doubtful comparative value, owing to the different degrees to which the deficient are registered in different countries:

INSANE FOR 1,000,000 OF POPULATION, 1890

1 Under insane are included idiots.
2 Under idiots are meant cretins.
Includes insane and idiots.

There has been great progress in modern times in the care of the insane. Pinel, in 1792, took a great step forward in liberating fifty-three patients at Bicêtre who had been in chains. Franklin, in 1750, succeeded in establishing a department for the insane in the Pennsylvania Hospital.

St. Luke's Hospital in London, established 1751, was the first asylum wholly for the insane; Waldheim, Saxony, was the second, 1787. The

insane are generally housed in large buildings or in cottages, under proper supervision of physicians and nurses. In Belgium and Scotland the custom prevails to put incurables and harmless patients into families, where they lead a natural life, and are encouraged to work. The little town of Gheel, in Belgium, has harbored about 1,300 of these patients annually, and no trouble has arisen.

INSTITUTIONAL CHURCHES: The phrase "institutional church," first used, it is believed, by President Tucker of Dartmouth College, applied to Berkeley Temple, Boston, Mass., has come into use as describing a church that works on all lines of human improvement. Dr. A. Dickinson, pastor of Berkeley Temple, says:

If I were to define it, I should say that it is an organization which aims to reach all of the man, and all men, by all means. In other words, it aims to represent Christ on earth, in the sense of representing Him physically, morally, and spiritually to the senses of the men and women who live in the present age. The institutional church aims to provide a material environment wherein the spiritual Christ can express Himself, and be felt among men as when He was here in the flesh, and it begins by planting itself just where Christ stood and worked when He was on the earth-in the midst of publicans and sinners.

The institutional church does whatever is most needed in the locality where it is placed.

When in an organism, one member does not do its work, other members attempt to perform its functions. The institutional church may be said to be the church performing for portions of the community the functions not performed for them by the home and society at large. In communities of homes, the institutional church has little place. In tenement districts it provides clubs, social, educational, literary, and gymnastic. Among the very poor it provides charities; in communities engaged largely in manual labor, baths and recreation; in boarding-house districts, educational classes. In a thoroughly mixed population the institutional church works by every method. An illustration of the latter is St. Bartholomew's Church (Protestant Episcopal) in New York City. It spends on its Parish House activities some $100,000 per year and provides services in a variety of languages, including Syriac and Armenian. It has clubs of every kind-glee clubs, literary, physical culture, social clubs, debating societies, penny provident and mutual benefit funds, classes in dressmaking, millinery, cooking, stenography, typewriting, French, bookkeeping, etc. The Parish House has a roof garden on top of nine busy stories. It maintains a country holiday house, a fresh-air fund, a tailor shop, clinic, loan association. In one year it found work for 2,559 applicants. It has eighteen services on Sunday and most of the year 194 meetings of different kinds in the week. It has 2,146 communicants; 5,000 in a year have professed to live this new life.

Morgan Chapel, Boston, is an example of what can be done, not with $100,000, but with $3,500. This includes entire expense for fuel, lights, janitor, pastor's salary, assistants, etc. Yet it

supplies reading-room, baths, a school of handicraft for printing, cobbling, tailoring, dressmaking, carpentry. It has a medical mission, day nursery, kindergarten, employment bureau, free concerts, instruction in music, etc.

The Judson Memorial Church (Baptist), and Trinity Church, St. George's, Grace Church, the Ascension, St. Christopher's, St. Michael's, the Pro-Cathedral (all Protestant Episcopal), are

Institutional Churches

well-known institutional churches in New York. The Jersey City Tabernacle (Congregational) makes a specialty of recreation, furnishing it in thirty different forms. The Baptist Temple, Philadelphia, has a hospital, the Samaritan, treating 6,000 cases in one year, and a unique Temple .College, with thousands of students in thirty-two courses, from the kindergarten to a law school and theological seminary. Westminster Presbyterian Church, Buffalo, has a social settlement with eight resident and eighty non-resident workers. Pilgrim Church, Cleveland (Congregational), was perhaps the first to embody the institutional idea in a beautiful new building adapted to it. The Fourth Avenue Baptist Church, Pittsburg, Pa., has among other things a Toy Mission, where second-hand toys are distributed to poor children at Christmas. In successive years it has provided for 25, 200, 1,600 and 3,600 children. The Ninth Street Baptist Church, Cincinnati, has seven chapels, at each of which institutional work is carried on. The Union Church (Congregational), North Brookfield, Mass., has recently shown what can be done in a village. Its Enterprise Club discust and has been influential on public questions. A Historical Society, the Union League for Boys, Guild of the Helping Hand for Girls, the Manse Literary Club for young women, met different needs. The pastor found it easier financially to meet all these expenses than to keep them going without these.

It is, however, to be remembered that good done is not always to be measured either by the number or extent of instrumentalities. These churches are not therefore selected because of necessity they are doing the most good, but because it is abundantly proven that instrumentalities, with the right spirit, and wisely suited to local needs, do abundantly help, even as Christ gave the bread of earth, together with and as symbol of the bread of heaven. Dr. Robbins, pastor of the Lincoln Park Institutional Baptist Church, Cincinnati, writes us: "You will be pleased to know that the spiritual results have been largely increased by our methods of work. Notwithstanding the innumerable difficulties in this down-town field, we have received, during my pastorate of this church (sixteen years), 1,422 new members, of which 1,021 were by baptism." The success of the Pilgrim Congregational Church, Cleveland; of the Baptist Temple, Philadelphia; of the great Protestant Episcopal institutional churches in New York City and elsewhere is well known. The year when the Methodist Church in the world lost 20,000 members, Morgan Chapel had more conversions_than in any one of its previous fifty years. The average institutional Congregational Church gained in one year just six times as many additions on confession of faith as the average Congregational Church. In the Miami Association (Baptist churches of Cincinnati and vicinity) two institutional churches had 209 additions on confession of faith; twentyone churches working on old lines had 116.

We give on page 630 detailed information as to thirty churches carrying on institutional activities. It is to be noted, however, that all these churches do not call themselves "institutional," and that many churches not here listed do carry on activities truly “institutional,” in some instances quite as important and extensive as some here named. In fact, there are few churches to-day in the cities of the U. S. which do not in some way

carry on at least one or more activities which might be called “institutional." In New York City alone, in 1900, out of 488 Protestant churches, 112 were carrying on direct institutional activities and almost all doing something in this line. Of the 112, forty-two were Protestant Episcopal. It is said to-day in the diocese of New York that there is not one Protestant Episcopal church which does not carry on at least some such activities.

In Great Britain churches have been taking on similar activities yet usually under other names in different ways. (See CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM; CHRISTIAN SOCIAL UNION; CHURCH ARMY; FREE CHURCHES; PLEASANT SUNDAY AFTERNOON. For the Continent, see CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM; INNER MISSION; ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH AND SOCIAL REFORM.

JOSIAH STRONG.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Josiah Strong. New Era (1893), Religious Movements for Social Betterment (1900); Gladden, Applied Christianity (1896); Thwing, The Working Church (1888); Woods, English Social Movements (1891).

INSURANCE (see also INDUSTRIAL INSURANCE): Insurance may be defined as a contract of a company or person to pay a sum or sums of money to indemnify the insured, or a designated beneficiary, in case of loss through the happening of certain events which constitute the risk insured against.

Insurance is mainly a modern development, tho it originated in the remote past. It was known to the ancients, but was chiefly developed by more recent mercantile adventures, men agreeing to divide among themselves the burden of the loss of ships or cargoes in the days when commerce was the fitting out of ships for single, long expeditions. This custom arose in England in the Elizabethan era, but had appeared in southern Europe earlier than that.

Insurance depends on the law of probabilities, it is said, developed about the year 1650, when the Chevalier de Mere, a Flemish nobleman, who was both a respectable mathematician and a gamester, attempted to solve the problem of dividing equitably the stakes when a game of chance was interrupted. He sought the aid of the famous Abbé Blaise Pascal, one of the most accomplished mathematicians of any age. Pascal solved the problem, and in doing so enunciated the "doctrine of probabilities," or laws governing so-called chances.

This doctrine or theory Pascal illustrated by the throwing of dice. When a single die is thrown, the chance of turning up an ace is precisely one out of six, or one out of the total number of sides or faces. But if a large number of throws are made, it will be found that each face will be turned Law of Probabilities up an equal number of times. From this Pascal laid down the proposition that results which have happened in any given number of observed cases will again happen under similar circumstances, provided the numbers be sufficient for the proper working of the law of average. Thus the duration of the life of a single individual is one of the greatest uncertainties; but the duration, or rate of mortality, of a large number of individuals may be predicted with great accuracy by comparison with the observed results among a sufficiently large number of persons of similar ages, occupations, and climatic influences.

From this principle insurance has developed on a scientific basis. It is of many kinds. Fire-,

Insurance

marine-, and life-insurance are the best known; but accident, liability, plate-glass, steam-boiler, elevator, burglary, sickness, guaranty, mortgage and title, hail, and live-stock insurance have each reached large proportions. Many other branches of insurance have been suggested, and in some cases attempted, among which are: Insurance against loss of occupation; insurance of premiums paid for stocks or bonds, which are subject to redemption; insurance against issue and survivorship; insurance of marriage portions for daughters; insurance against divorces; insurance against celibacy.

The earliest form of insurance was by means of individual underwriters, each one assuming a fixt proportion of the aggregate amount fixt. In London the venturesome who took part in this underwriting used to meet at Lloyd's Coffee-house, from which fact the name of Lloyd's was given to this form of insurance. But, as a general thing, insurance is carried on by corporate companies which are either mutual or stock, and which are subject more or less to government supervision.

FireInsurance

Fire-insurance seems to have been the first to develop its modern form. A regular office for insuring against fire was opened in London in 1681, the great fire of 1666 The first being the exciting cause. office in the U. S. was established at Philadelphia in 1752, one of its early directors having been Benjamin Franklin. The extinguishment of fire is commonly undertaken by municipalities, tho fire-insurance companies often sustain patrols to care for property. (See FIRE DEPARTMENTS.) In the U. S. fire-insurance has been greatly developed.

The fire-insurance companies underwent a very severe test successfully in the San Francisco disaster of 1906. They paid claims exceeding $150,000,000, with only two important failures of American companies and two or three of German companies. Tho their policies did not cover against earthquake and were void by their terms when the building fell, most of them did not defend on this ground, but paid in full, while the rest compromised. They did not behave so liberally toward property-owners who suffered at Valparaiso, Santiago, Kingston, and other points. The lessons of these disasters indicate the desirability of the following reforms, which have already been mooted:

1. Policies should definitely cover against sudden destruction of property by fire, lightning, explosion, collapse, earthquake, wind-storm, or flood.

2. Reserve laws should be amended so that all above what is barely necessary for solvency will be available to pay conflagration losses.

Life-insurance, tho starting later, has reached a higher state of development than fire-insurance. It began at near the first of the eighteenth century.

The Grand Pensioner DeWitt, of Holland, was the first to reduce these theories to practise, which he did in 1693, by calculating the true values of annuities, based upon observed rates of mortality. Dr. Halley, Astronomer Royal of Great Britain, was the first to discover and arrange what are called life-tables from which all monetary values depending upon the chances of living and dying, combined with the improvement of money by interest, may be computed. He has been called the father of the mod

ern system of life-insurance. These tables have now only an historical interest.

LifeInsurance

About the close of the seventeenth century there were also several annuity schemes launched, but the first life-insurance company was the Amicable Society, chartered in 1706. In 1762 the Equitable was chartered, and began issuing policies payable at death, upon the lives of persons of any age, charging premiums according to age; but solely a business for short terms, and a whole life business. In the U. S. the Presbyterian Ministers' Fund of Philadelphia was chartered in 1759 by Thomas Penn, for the insurance of Presbyterian clergymen. In 1812 a company called the Pennsylvania was chartered; in 1830 the New York Life-Insurance and Trust Company, which is still in existence, but does no life-insurance business. The Mutual of New York, the first of the mutual companies, was organized in 1842, and from 1845 to 1860 many new companies were organized. In 1856 the State of Massachusetts originated a system of state supervision, and it was immediately followed by the` State of New York. The Massachusetts department adopted the Seventeen Offices, commonly known as the Actuaries' Table, as its standard; and the New York department, the American Experience Table, which was a modification of the Seventeen Offices Table, in the light of experience of the Mutual Life-Insurance Company,

Life-insurance companies nowadays issue a variety of immediate and deferred annuities, temporary and whole life-insurance, the latter often paid for by a limited number of payments; and a large variety of endowment, tontine, and other investment policies. The companies are mutual, proprietary, or mixed, according as all the savings and profits belong to the insured or all belong to the stockholders, or stockholders receive a part and the policy-holders the remainder. Mutual companies alone have no capital stock. While nominally the members control mutual companies, their practical operation makes the managers all-powerful. The new laws of New York hereinafter referred to, and which have been followed by the legislatures of some other states, now provide for a system of direct voting by mail under which nominations are made by the administration and also independent nominations, and the ballots are cast directly by the members.

Originally the companies did not give cash or other surrender values for their policies. It was made compulsory for Massachusetts companies to do so by a state law early in the sixties, and not long after it was also made compulsory for New York companies to give paid-up insurance upon surrender; notwithstanding which, by waiving the law, several companies set out on a career of tontine policies, which were originally wholly forfeitable, but which held out to a persistent policy-holder hopes of very large profits if he survived and sustained his policy. These hopes, however, were not realized and gradually the tontine principle has been abandoned until now the State of New York has wholly prohibited the issue of deferred dividend policies, and several other states have done the same. seems likely that it will be wholly abandoned in the U. S.

It

One result of the reaction from cash-surrender legislation which took the form of tontine insurance was the organization of a large number

of mutual-assessment life-insurance associations. More than one half of all the life-insurance now in force in the U. S. is in these organizations, and many more than one half the number of persons carrying insurance. They have furnished insurance on three different plans-viz., first, by assessing the same amount on members without regard to age, whenever there were losses; second, by assessing according to certain ratios fixt at age of entry; third, by assessing according to certain ratios according to the actual age attained at time of assessment. Associations using the first of these systems have nearly all gone out of existence. Associations using the second, which came later into use, are now having an unpleasant experience, and are likely to be driven out of existence unless they reform their plan.

Theoretically the third method is feasible, but in practise it has proved that the companies using it are sure to have very serious adverse selection, as the members grow older, and consequently, that it is not feasible beyond perhaps about age sixty.

Most of them, however, seek to create a level price in spite of the increasing cost by charging more than the insurance costs during the earlier years, with a view to offsetting the increased cost during the latter years. The success of such associations will depend upon the adequacy of this provision. The management of the associations is commonly much more democratic and truly mutual than that of the regular companies, altho some of them are managed in quite as autocratic a manner. Those which operate on the lodge system are, however, all managed on the representative plan, the members electing delegates to state and national conventions which legislate for the association and elect its managers. FRATErnal Societies.)

(See

Several of the older and stronger of these societies have readjusted their rates in recent years, adopting straight level-rate plans, and in some cases preparing to hold ample and sufficient reserves to maintain the same. In other societies this has not been the case, but a makeshift measure has been employed, the rates, tho increased, being still inadequate.

During 1905 and 1906 a famous investigation of life-insurance companies by a committee of the New York State Legislature, known as the "Armstrong Committee," with Charles E. Hughes as chief counsel, was made. The investigation disclosed the fact that a large number of evils had grown into the management of these companies, and the character of the evils and the remedies therefor are sufficiently indicated by the following synopsis:

The investigators found conspiracies to use the funds of these great companies in controlling other corporations; they prohibited investments in stocks or in "collateral trust bonds, under which such control could be exercised.

They found "joint accounts," "underwritings and syndicates"; all are prohibited now.

They found directors causing companies to invest where they were themselves interested; every such abuse of trust was interdicted. They found secret political contributions with the implied consideration "we look after our friends"; now no corporation may make such contribu

Abuses of tions. Trust Funds

They found "yellow-dog" funds, evidences of corruption of legislators and waste unexampled, without accounting or responsibility; they left a law regulating such services and expenditures and calling for complete publicity.

They found extravagant salaries and emoluments, nepotism, sinecures, often without a knowledge of the directors;