Demorest "Concerning disputes between labor and capital, arbitration, I believe, defends the highest interests of the three real parties to these disputes, viz., the employers, the employees, and the public. "The question sometimes asked, 'Can I not conduct my business to suit myself?' is a plausible one, but when a man in conducting his business attempts to arbitrarily fix the conditions under which hundreds of employees are to live and to determine the future of thousands of human beings, I answer without hesitation that he has no right to conduct his own business in such a way as to deprive his employees of the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. To support this position, I need only refer to the laws regulating the safety of mines, the factory laws fixing the age at which children can be employed, and usury laws establishing the rate of interest. "But if it is unwise to make the employer the sole custodian of the rights and interests of the employees, it is equally unwise to give the employees uncontrolled authority over the rights and interests of the employer. The employees are no more to be trusted to act unselfishly and disinterestedly than the employers. "The strike, the only weapon of the employee at present, is a two-edged sword and may injure the workman as much as the employer, and even when wholly successful, is apt to leave a rankling in the bosom of the wage-earner that ought not to be. Society has, moreover, something at stake as well as the employer and employee, for there can be no considerable strike without considerable loss to the public. Society, therefore, is justified in demanding that the differences between capital and labor should be settled by peaceful means. If a permanent, impartial board is created to which either party of an industrial dispute may appeal, or which of its own motion can institute an inquiry, public opinion can be relied upon to enforce the finding. If there is compulsory submission to investigation it is not necessary that there shall be a compulsory acceptance of the decision, for a full and fair investigation will in every case bring about a settlement. "No reference to the labor question is complete that does not include some mention of what is known as government by injunction. As the main purpose of the writ is to evade trial by jury, it is really an attack upon the jury system and ought to arouse a unanimous protest. However, as the writ is usually invoked in case of a strike the importance of the subject would be very much reduced by the adoption of a system of arbitration, because arbitration would very much reduce, even if it did not entirely remove, the probability of a strike. "Another word in regard to the laboring man. The struggle to secure an eight-hour day is an international struggle and it is sure to be settled in favor of the workingman's contention. The benefits of the labor-saving machine have not been distributed with equity. The producer has enormously multiplied his capacity, but so far the owner of the machine has received too much of the increase and the laborer too little. Those who oppose the eight-hour day do it, I am convinced, more because of ignorance of conditions than because of lack of sympathy with those who toil. The removal of work from the house to the factory has separated the husband from his wife and the father from his children, while the growth of our cities has put an increasing distance between the home and the workshop. Then, too, more is demanded of the laboring man now than formerly. He is a citizen as well as a laborer, and must have time for the study of public questions if he is to be an intelligent sovereign. To drive him from his bed to his task and from his task to his bed is to deprive the family of his companionship, society of his service, and politics of his influence. Bimetalism "Thus far I have dwelt upon subjects which may not be regarded as strictly partizan, but I am sure that you will pardon me if in this presence I betray my interest in those policies for which the Democratic Party stands. I have not had an opportunity to make a Democratic speech for almost a year, and no one-not even a political enemy could be so cruel as to forbid me to speak of those policies on this occasion. Our opponents have derived not only partizan pleasure but partizan advantage as well from the division caused in our party by the money question. They ought not, therefore, begrudge us the satisfaction that we find in the fact that unexpected conditions have removed the cause of our differences and permitted us to present a united front on present issues. The unlooked-for and unprecedented increase in the production of gold has brought a victory to both the advocates of gold and the advocates of bimetalism-the former keeping the gold standard which they wanted and the latter securing the larger volume of money for which they contended. We who favor bimetalism are satisfied with our victory if the friends of monometalism are satisfied with theirs. And we can invite them to a contest of zeal and endurance in the effort to restore to the people the rights which have been gradually taken from them by the trusts. "The investigations which have been in progress during the past year have disclosed the business methods of those who a few years ago resented any inspection of their schemes and hid their rascality under high-sounding phrases. These investigations have also disclosed the source of enormous campaign funds which have been used to debauch elections and corrupt the ballot. The people see now what they should have seen before, namely, that no party can exterminate the trusts so long as it owes its political success to campaign contributions secured from the trusts. The great corporations do not contribute their money to any party except for immunity expressly promised or clearly implied. No party can afford to receive contributions even from individuals when the acceptance of those contributions secretly pledges the party to a course which it cannot openly avow. In other words, politics should be honest, and contributions public and not from corporations. International Arbitration "In regard to international relations and imperialism the U. S. should lead in the movement for international arbitration. The cause of arbitration is making real progress. At the last session of the Interparliamentary Union which convened in London last July, twenty-six nations were represented. I believe that if our nation would propose to make with every other nation a treaty providing that all questions in dispute between the parties should be submitted to The Hague Court for in vestigation and report before any declaration of war or commencement of hostilities, it would find many nations willing to enter into such a compact. "Another subject connected with our foreign relations: I venture to suggest that we may not only promote peace but also advance our commercial interests by announcing as a national policy that our navy will not be used for the collection of private debts. While protecting the lives of our citizens everywhere and guaranteeing personal safety to all who owe allegiance to our flag, we should, in my judgment, announce that persons engaging in business and holding property in other lands for business purposes must be subject to the laws of the countries in which they engage in business enterprises. "The growth of the principle of self-government, planted on American soil, has been the overshadowing political fact of the nineteenth century. It has made this nation conspicuous among the nations and given it a place in history such as no other nation has ever enjoyed. Nothing has been able to check the onward march of this idea. I am not willing that this nation shall cast aside the omnipotent weapon of truth to seize again the weapons of physical warfare. I would not exchange the glory of this republic for the glory of all the empires that have risen and fallen since time began. "When Lord Howe asserted that the acts of Parliament which brought on the Revolution were necessary to prevent American trade from passing into foreign channels, Franklin replied: To me it seems that neither the obtaining nor retaining of any trade, howsoever valuable, is an object for which men may justly spill each other's blood.' "Lincoln said that the safety of this nation was not in its fleets, its armies, its forts, but in the spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, in all lands, everywhere, and he warned his countrymen that they could not destroy this spirit without planting the seeds of despotism at their own doors. "Even now we are beginning to see the paralyzing influence of imperialism. 'A colonial policy means that we shall send to the Philippine Islands a few traders, a few task-masters, and a few office-holders, and an army large enough to support the authority of a small fraction of the people while they rule the natives. "That a large permanent increase in our regular army is intended by Republican leaders is not a matter of conjecture, but a matter of fact. In his message of Dec. 5, 1898, the president asked for authority to increase the standing army to 100,000. In 1896 the army contained about 25,000. Within two years the president asked for four times that many, and a Republican House of Representatives complied with the request after the Spanish treaty had been signed, and when no country was at war with the U. S. Imperialism "It is argued by some that the Filipinos are incapable of self-government and that, therefore, we owe it to the world to take control of them. Admiral Dewey, in an official report to the Navy Department, declared the Filipinos more capable of self-government than the Cubans, and said that he based his opinion upon a knowledge of both races. But I will not rest the case upon the relative advancement of the Filipinos. Demorest Henry Clay, in defending the right of the people of South America to self-government, said: "It is the doctrine of thrones that man is too ignorant to govern himself. Their partizans assert his incapacity in reference to all nations; if they cannot command universal assent to the proposition, it is then demanded to particular nations; and our pride and our presumption too often make converts of us. I contend that it is to arraign the disposition of Providence Himself to suppose that He has created beings incapable of governing themselves, and to be trampled on by kings. Self-government is the natural government of man.' "The Republicans say that this nation is in the hands of destiny; Washington believed that not only the destiny of our own nation but the destiny of the republican form of government throughout the world was entrusted to American hands. Immeasurable responsibility! The destiny of this republic is in the hands of its own people, and upon the success of the experiment here rests the hope of humanity. No exterior force can disturb this republic, and no foreign influence should be permitted to change its course. "Behold a republic, resting securely upon the foundation stones quarried by revolutionary patriots from the mountain of eternal truth-a republic applying in practise and proclaiming to the world the self-evident proposition that all men are created equal; that they are endowed with inalienable rights; that governments are instituted among men to secure these rights, and that governments derive their just rights from the consent of the governed. Behold a government standing erect while empires around are bowed beneath the weight of their own armaments-a republic whose flag is loved while other flags are only feared. Behold a republic increasing in population, in wealth, in strength, and in influence, solving the problems of civilization, and hastening the coming of a universal brotherhooda republic which shakes thrones and dissolves aristocracies by its silent example and gives light and inspiration to those who sit in darkness. Behold a republic gradually but surely becoming a supreme moral factor in the world's progress and the accepted arbiter of the world's disputesa republic whose history, like the path of the just, 'is as the shining light that shineth more and more unto the perfect day.' WILLIAM J. BRYAN. DEMOREST, W. JENNINGS: American publisher and prohibitionist; born in New York CĈity, 1822; educated in the public schools. At the age of twenty he commenced business in the dry goods trade, and in 1860 began the publication of the New York Illustrated News in English and German, and also Young America. In 1864 these were merged into Demorest's Family Magazine. Mr. Demorest traveled extensively and wrote largely on ethics, especially against the evils of the liquor traffic. He distributed nearly 50,000,000 pages of tracts on this question. Mr. Demorest was active in the great Washington movement, and was one of the originators of the Sons of Temperance. To test the question of the constitutionality of slavery he had a suit instituted and well on its way toward the supreme court when President Lincoln's emancipation proclamation was issued. Actively identified with the Prohibition Party, Mr. Demorest, since 1884, was a tireless worker for its success. He established the National Prohibition Bureau for speakers and the distribution of literature, and, true to his early convictions, organized the National Constitutional Denmark League, through which he was pressing a test suit up to the supreme court to establish the unconstitutionality of license to the liquor traffic, when his death occurred, April 9, 1895. He published a monthly periodical called The Constitution. He served the party as a candidate for mayor of New York City and for lieutenant-governor of the state. An interesting feature of Mr. Demorest's services for the cause of prohibition is the medal contest work for the education of the youth, and the creation of public sentiment in favor of the universal prohibition of the liquor traffic, which he originated and maintained. DENIS, HECTOR: Belgian sociologist; born at Braine-le-Comte, 1842; doctor of law and natural science; advocate (1860); professor of philosophy at the University of Brussels, and instructor at the polytechnical school. He was rector of the University of Brussels, 1892-94, and resigned because of the suspension of Elisée RECLUS. Denis is a member of the Royal Academy, and of the Superior Council of Labor. He was elected representative from Liège in 1894, 1898, and 1900, and is a leader in socialism. He is the author of "L'Alimentation et la Force du Travail." "De la Constitution de la Morale Positive." DENISON, EDWARD: English founder of social settlements; born at Salisbury, 1840; son of Edward Denison, Bishop of Salisbury; graduated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. From 1862 to 1866 he read law, in the spring of 1864 traveling through Southern Europe and Northern Africa. He became deeply interested in the condition of the poor, and in 1867 took a lodging among the tenements in Philpot Street, Mile End Road, East London. He resided there eight months, studying the conditions of life, building, endowing, and teaching in a school. He was one of the original members of the Society for Organizing Charitable Relief and Repressing Mendicity in 1869, out of which has grown the Charity Organization Movement. He disbelieved in giving doles, and in 1868 went to Paris and Edinburgh to study the working of the poor-law. In November of that year he was returned to Parliament for Newark, but his failing health prevented his continued attendance, and after vainly seeking health in the Channel Islands, he went on a voyage to Australia, but died in Melbourne, Jan. 26, 1870, two weeks after his arrival. His letters and writings have been published, London, 1870. DENMARK: A kingdom of northern Europe, on account of its former political associations with Sweden and Norway, customarily regarded as a unit of the Scandinavian peninsula. Its history has been closely united with that of Norway, and its language and literature are almost identical with Norway's, but on social reforms, Denmark has been the leader of her sister kingdoms. At the latest official census (1901) the population of Denmark proper consisted of 1,193,448 males and 1,256,092 females, a total of 2,464,770; General Statistics showing an increase of about 12 per cent since the census of 1890. While the town population has increased more than 29 per cent, the rural population has remained practically stationary, the increase being only slightly more than 4 per cent. The population is intermingled with a very small percentage of foreign blood; and the greater part of the foreignborn people come from Sweden and northern Germany (Sleswick-Holstein). According to the census of 1901, 948,997 persons were engaged in agriculture; 674,613 in industrial pursuits; 220,234 in commerce; 139,959 as domestic servants and other lower occupations; 114,100 in immaterial production; 72,072 in fishing and navigation; and 22,351 in inland transportation. There were 103,629 pensioners and capitalists, 48,678 public paupers, 5,623 persons in asylums for the abnormal, and 1,748 prisoners. The principal cities of Denmark are: Copenhagen (the capital), with a population of 378,235; Aarhuus (Jutland), 51,814; Odense (Funen), 40,138; Aalborg (Jutland), 31,457. The birthrate in 1904 was 29.89, the death-rate 14.57: 9.6 per cent of the births were illegitimate. There were in 1904 18,235 marriages and 473 divorces. Emigration, chiefly to the United States, was 9,034 in 1904. Religion and Education With regard to religion, Denmark maintains the Lutheran creed as her State religion, but no civil disabilities exist. In 1901 there were no 2,436,084 Protestants, 5,373 Roman Catholics, 3,476 Jews, and 4,501 of of other denominations. In an educational aspect Denmark ranks high. Compulsory education was introduced in 1814, all children being obliged to attend school between the ages of seven and fourteen. There are 28 elementary schools in Copenhagen, 132 in other towns, and 2,780 in rural districts, making a total of 2,940. The pupils numbered 326,268 in 1903. Copenhagen has a university, founded in 1479, which has five faculties, 85 professors and teachers, and an annual roll of about 400 students. There are, further, a veterinary college, 12 agricultural schools, 72 high schools, 130 real-schools which prepare pupils for academic courses, a college of pharmacy, a polytechnic institution, and several commercial, technical, and horticultural schools. The State makes annual grants to many of the technical and agricultural schools, as well as to some of the real-schools, which, in reality, are preparatory to the university. In 1903 there were 3,851 persons convicted of crimes, and 42,083 of minor offenses. There were 796 persons in the penitentiaries on March 31, 1903. Industry Denmark is primarily an agricultural country. On account of a law which prohibits the merging of small holdings into large estates the soil is greatly subdivided into small farms. The main crops are beetroots, potatoes, oats, wheat, barley, and rye. In 1903 Denmark had 486,935 horses, 1,840,466 head of cattle; 876,830 sheep; 38,984 goats; and 1,456,699 swine. In 1904, 26,137 horses, 92,058 head of cattle, and 936 sheep and goats were exported. Denmark produced (1904) 22,366,516 gallons of excisable beer, and 33.395, 344 gallons of non-excisable beer; also 7,427,570 gallons of corn-brandy (brændevin) reduced to an alcoholicity of 8°. The production of beet sugar amounted to 44,125 tons, and that of oleomargarin to 21,885 tons. The Danish fisheries yielded a catch valued at 9,950,287 kronen in 1903. Commerce Year by year the commerce of Denmark shows a healthy increase, the high standard of her agricultural and dairy products assuring her a steady market abroad. The total exports in 1904 amounted to 497,836,000 kronen, and the total imports to 599,244,000 kr. Of the exports 358,629,000 kr. were home produce. The chief exports (1904) were as follows: Colonial goods, 12,754,000 kronen (krone-twentyseven cents); beverages, 3,374,000 kr.; textiles, 21,514,000 kr.; metals and hardware, 18,264,000 kr.; wood and manufactures, 1,687,000 kr.; coal, 3.995.000 kr.; animals, 37,469,000 kr.; provisions, eggs, etc., 321,234,000 kr.; cereals, etc., 13,986,000 kr. The principal imports were: From Germany, 214,236,000 kr.; from Great Britain, 90,172,000 kr.; from Sweden and Norway, 63,119,000 kr.; from the United States, 74,464,000 kr.; from Russia, 76,390,000 kr.; from Holland, 12,411,000 kr.; from Belgium, 10,770,000 kr.; from France, 16,235,000 kr.; and from the Danish colonies, 3.519,000 kr. The chief exports of home produce go to Great Britain, and consisted, in 1904, of butter to the value of £9,003,089; eggs, £1,461,459; bacon, £4,532,420; beef, £17,696; pork, £158,639; and fish, £70,307. Otherwise the value of exports was distributed as follows: To Germany, 105,401,000 kr.; to Great Britain, 282,816,000 kr.; to Sweden and Norway, 52,335,000 kr.; to the U. S., 16,326,000 kr.; to Russia, 26,592,000 kr.; to Holland, 519,000 kr.; to Belgium, 1,334,000 kr.; to France, 899,000 kr.; to Danish colonies, 4,624,000 kr. II. Constitution and Government According to the Constitution of 1849, the crown of Denmark is hereditary; but the powers of government are divided between the king and the two houses of parliament: the Folkething and the Landsthing. The king holds the executive power, while the legislative rights are vested in the Rigsdag, which comprizes the two houses mentioned in the foregoing. The Landsthing, or Upper House, consists of sixty-six members, twelve of whom are elected by the crown, and the remaining fifty-four by electoral bodies composed of the largest taxpayers. The Folkething, or Lower House, counts 114 members, elected by universal suffrage for a term of three years. Every resident citizen above the age of twentyfive, and of good reputation, is eligible for election to either house. The civil subdivisions of Denmark are called "amts" and are eighteen in number, each being governed by an "amtmand," or governor. The amts are again divided into "herreder" (hundreds), and these in turn into parishes. The city of Copenhagen constitutes an amt by itself. Iceland has a specific charter of its own, by virtue of which the legislative power of this colony is vested in a body (the Althing) which is partly elective by universal suffrage and partly appointive by the king. The estimated revenue for 1905-6 was 79,441,467 kronen and the expenditures 81,334,265 kr. The main part of the revenues (56,499,245 kr. Denmark estimated for 1906-7) is derived from customs, excise, and other indirect taxation. The Danish debt (1905) amounted to 172,927,250 kr. The Danish army numbers 824 officers and 8,945 men on a peace footing; 1,448 officers and 66,000 men on a war footing. Of this total warstrength, 115 officers and 4,400 men are members of a National Guard of Volunteers. The navy is maintained mainly for purposes of coast defense. It comprizes about twenty vessels in various stages of efficiency. The mercantile fleet of Denmark numbers (1904) 4,048 vessels of about 473,409 tons gross capacity. Of these 592 are steamships. Of the railways, which aggregate 1,993 miles, about 1,138 miles belong to the State, and the rest, mainly little by-lines, to private companies. The total cost of construction, March 31, 1903, was 198,230,918 kr. There are 960 post-offices in the country; 2,367 miles of telegraph wires, and 107,952 miles of telephonic wires. III. -Social Reform Modern social reform may be said to have begun in Denmark in 1857 when a law was enacted abolishing the old trade-gilds. It was still some four or five years, however, before joint-stock companies began to assume supremacy in the financial world; but during the thirty years from 1870-1900 these increased in number from 52 to 600, and their combined capital from $20,000,000 to $125,000,000. Educational reforms inaugurated by Bishop N. F. Grundboig (1783-1872) led to the establishment of industrial and agricultural high schools, which at first were supported by private contributions, but since 1864 by the State. These schools are largely frequented by young men and women of the peasant class, and the education afforded them in these institutions has had a remarkable effect in producing a Danish peasantry of which any land might be justly proud. Socialism Socialism 1S now somewhat strong. The strength of the Socialist Party in Denmark is shown by the fact that at the latest popular election of members to the Folkething, twenty-four Socialists were returned. The Landsthing has but one Socialist member. The controller of Copenhagen and two out of the four city councilors are Socialists, and more than 500 members of that party hold minor public offices. In 1887 8,406 Socialist votes were cast; in 1898 31,872; in 1906, 76,566. Socialism first became a factor in the reform movement in Denmark when Louis Pio, in 1871, published a pamphlet entitled "Essays on Socialism." This pamphlet produced a marked effect, especially on the skilled workers, and during the next year several socialistic societies were formed under the auspices of the International, led by Karl Marx. The leaders of the Danish movement were Pio, Brix, and Geleff. In 1871 the Socialists started their first organ, Socialisten, and in 1872 (May 5th) a public meeting was planned in order to promote the formation of local tradeunions. This meeting was prohibited by the authorities, and on account of alleged incendiary articles in the Socialisten, the three leaders were arrested and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment. In 1873 the Danish authorities prevented the International from making further propaganda in that country, and local activities Devine thence became centered on the organization of the various branches of labor. United Trade-Unions In the course of the next four or five years many local trade-unions were organized, notably those of carpenters, bricklayers, shoe-workers, cigar-makers, etc. In 1871 there were three trade-unions with a total membership of 359; in 1877 there were thirty-one unions with a total of 3,189 members. In 1899 the membership had been swelled to 16,146. It soon became clear to the leaders of the movement that the interests of the different trade-unions would be greatly promoted if there were some central body in each town to exercise supervision in cases of disputes between employers and employees, and especially to see to it that no amount of effort was misdirected by unnecessary strikes, etc. Accordingly, in 1886, De Samvirkende Fagforeninger i Köbenhavn ("The United Trade-Unions in Copenhagen") was organized; and in the course of the next few years similar centrals were established in other large towns. In 1898 more than 400 delegates, who represented 70,000 organized workers, met in Copenhagen and organized "De Samvirkende Fagforbund i Danmark," a union which exercises powers analogous with those exercised by the American Federation of Labor in the United States. In 1904 local trade-unions in Denmark numbered 1,156, with 90,111 members. Railroad employees number 18,000, and general laborers in the unions 29,044. The material results of the organized labor movement in Denmark have been to procure Results shorter hours and better pay in many branches, principally among typographers, bricklayers, carpenters, plumbers, etc. The average working-day is nine hours. Great strides have also been made toward securing industrial betterments. The government inspects factories and workshops to make them conform to sanitary requirements, and also to see to it that the law regulating the hours of work for young persons under eighteen is not violated. Children under twelve are not allowed to work in factories or workshops. There is a pension law (enacted 1891) by which all working people are entitled to a pension after the age of sixty; and in 1903 the number of such pensioners was 60,484, the pensions aggregating $2,700,000. The trade-unions maintain sick-funds and friendly societies which receive subsidies from the state and from county councils, such subsidies amounting to $320,000 in 1993; Other charitable institutions are maintained by the state at an annual cost of about $12,000,000. Woman Suffrage There is no law in Denmark which provides for woman's participation in state or municipal politics, but measures to that effect are continually being introduced to the legislature, and there is an energetic movement on foot among Danish women to promote their claims for a franchise. The only organized women's society is "Dansk Kvindesamfund," which is affiliated with the International Council of Women. In 1906 a government committee was appointed for the purpose of making plans looking to the introduction of a system of state aid for the unemployed. The poor-law of Denmark is especially fa mous. Rev. Wilson Carlisle, founder of The Church Army in England, writes (in "The Nineteenth Century and After") about the Danish system of treating its poor, as follows: The Poor and The aged poor of spotless character do not, strictly speaking, come within the poor-law at all in Denmark. They are state pensioners, and their position is no more dishonorable and involves no more loss of civil rights, than in the case of one who receives a service pension in this country (England). Some of the pensioners live in their Unemployed homes, others in special public institutions. The Alderdomshjem, the place where the aged pensioners of Copenhagen are housed, is a delightful haven for these old people after the storms of life. Some 500 dwell there, the married couples in separate quarters of their own, and the single in common, the men having separate smoking-rooms and the women sitting-rooms. The inmates are entirely their own masters, and go in and out at pleasure. The food is plentiful and appetizing, and it is even prepared in a separate establishment, in order to save the old folks from the annoyance of odors of cooking. For the old age of those that miss entering the circle (described above)-those who have once been convicted of crime, or whose poverty is due to drunkenness, vice, idleness, or improvidence-provision is made in Denmark by another class of institution represented in Copenhagen by the Almindelig. This place is neither workhouse, almshouse, prison, nor reformatory, but rather a "hospital" in the old sense of the word, where the aged who have not passed through life without stain may spend their last days in comparative comfort. Among them are certain of the better class of able-bodied failures, who come here hoping to get a fresh start by industry. All the inmates are expected to work according to their powers, and they receive moderate pay, partly (threepence a week) in cash and the remainder being placed toward the cost of maintenance, which works out at seven shillings per head per week, including the sick and infirm. To those who are unable to work the threepence a week is paid as a gift. Most of the inmates remain in the institution for the rest of their lives. They lose the franchise and are subject to certain restraints on their liberty, such as going out at certain times only. Married couples are permitted to live together. The temperance movement is making great strides in Denmark, and local temperance societies as well as the Danish branch of the Good Templars count more than 100,000 members. The government grants monetary aid to the carrying on of temperance propaganda; and private enterprise provides coffee-houses, etc., to promote the cause. Cooperation in Denmark in many lines is largely developed and mainly on the Rochdale plan. On the authority of M. P. Blem, the chairman of the Danish Cooperative Committee, it can be said that there are 1,000 societies with about 150,000 members, which do a total business of about £2,000,000 sterling. The Cooperative Wholesale Society of Copenhagen sells to 915 distributive stores. Cooperative creameries number 1.057, and the butter produced from milk delivered therefrom. during the last fiscal year, was valued at £8,400,000. The bulk of the agricultural exports from Denmark are of cooperative origin, the total production of the butter, bacon, and egg societies for export in 1903 being £11,414,000, while the total exports from the whole of the country were under £20,000,000. There were, in 1902, twenty-seven cooperative bacon-curing factories. This cooperative movement in Denmark, however, is almost exclusively agricultural; the workers in cities and towns having taken comparatively little interest in this phase of social reform. In Copenhagen there are a few cooperative bakeries, notably "Arbejdernes Brödfabrikker" (the workmen's cooperative bakeries). There are also a brewery, a lifeinsurance company, and a clothing emporium which are partly operated under the auspices of the United Trade- Unions. The foremost Danish social reform societies are: Socialdemokratisk Forbund, 22 Römersgade, Copenhagen. |