Arcadia, "et même il y eut un fils nommé Lycaon. Mais soit que ce prince fût choqué des mœurs agrestes du peuple nouvellement conquis, soit que le climat lui déplût, soit inconstance et légéreté dans son caractère, il chercha à se fixer ailleurs. Pendant qu'il délibéroit sur quel pays il porteroit ses pas, on lui annonça que la Thessalie, qui jusqu'alors avoit été sous les eaux, venoit d'éprouver un tremblement de terre. Ce tremblement avoit été si violent que le mont Ossa avoit été séparé de l'Olympe. Les eaux, qui inondoient cette belle contrée, s'étant écoulées par cette ouverture, le pays fut bientôt desséché, et l'on n'apperçut plus que des campagnes immenses, qui invitoient les peuples voisins à les venir cultiver. Pélasgus profita d'autant plus volontiers de cette heureuse rencontre, qu'il se promettoit d'amples moissons d'une terre encore vierge, dont personne ne songeoit à lui disputer la possession. Son fils Lycaon, étant encore trop jeune pour le suivre, il le laissa en Arcadie, et prenant avec lui les Pélasges aventuriers, il se rendit dans l'Hæmonie." "Multum interest, utrum rem ipsam an libros inspicias." A maxim which we must not forget when we read Dionysius, and which in the present instance may be applied to Larcher; for there is reason to suspect that in his chronological essays "he draweth the thread of his verbosity finer than the staple of his argument," and that the web of history must be woven of better materials than can be collected from Athenæus and Dionysius. # That the natives of an inland and woody and mountainous country were not gentle in their manners, and that the climate was disagreeable, is more than probable; and perhaps the description which Strabo gives of the Corsican highlanders may be well applied to the early Arcadians. But if we are content to rely on Polybius, supposition seems unnecessary. That excellent author may be thought by some to attribute too much to the influence of climate and music; but they who doubt his inferences will yet allow, that he who was an Arcadian by birth, and who bore so high a character for veracity, may be trusted in his statements of facts, and the τῶν ἤθων αὐστηρίαν, and the τοῦ περιέχοντος ψυχρότητα καὶ στυγνότητα τὴν κατὰ τὸ πλεῖστον ἐν τοῖς τόποις ὑπάρχουσαν, which in his opinion induced the οἱ πάλαι to make music a part of education, added to the τοὺς πρώτους ̓Αρκάδων τἄλλα τοῖς βίοις ὄντας αὐστηροτάτους of an earlier passage, will justify Larcher's hints about the rustic manners of the natives and the unpleasantness of the climate. But Pelasgus was a conqueror; and the adventurers, at whose head he placed himself, if not such as an o'ercloyed country vomits forth To desperate ventures, were not much superior to the Arcadians in civilisation; nor were the unresisting Arcadians so obtrusive, as to oblige their conqueror to exchange the vales of Arcady for the dried-up marshes of Thessaly, that he might the more quietly enjoy the company of his fellow-adventurers. As to climate, the change was hardly worth the while. As to the fickleness of Pelasgus, his reigning twenty years in Arcadia is no proof of it; and if Lycaon was too young to follow his father, he was probably too young to be left behind as a monarch of barbarians. As for the " amples moissons d'une terre encore vierge," he, who had taught the Arcadians to feed on acorns, was not very likely to anticipate Triptolemus; neither could his residence in Arcadia have led him to expect that a land "encore vierge" would produce "d'amples moissons" of itself. 66 But on what foundation has Larcher raised so strange a superstructure? A passage which Athenæus quotes from Bato the rhetorician of Sinope, and une tradition constante que Pélasgus étoit venu dans ce pays avec des Arcadiens. Car Apollonius de Rhodes dit qu'Aristée quitta la Phthie par l'ordre de son père Apollon, et qu'il se transporta dans l'île de Céos avec des Arcadiens descendans de Lycaon, qu'il avoit rassemblés." As to the tradition, Larcher himself tells us that Lycaon remained in Arcadia; and if a passage from Bato found in Athenæus is to be received as part of history, we may still be allowed to doubt the probability of the circumstances. The loug journey of Pelorus seems to have had little or no motive. Boeotia was inhabited by different tribes of barbarians in early times; yet Pelorus seems to have been in no danger. Pelasgus, according to Larcher, took possession of the dried-up lake without obstruction; and might, as it seems, have established himself without much trouble in districts nearer home. Finally, does the text of Athenæus warrant the assertions of Larcher? Does T Пleλary necessarily mean Pelasgus king of Arcadia? or is there any thing else in the passage which authorises us to assert that Pelorus came from Thessaly to Arcadia? T. A Hint towards the Correction of a Passage in Eschylus. Τυφῶνα θοῦρον, ὅστις ἀντέστη θεοῖς. "ITA Gaisfordius, probante Porsono," says the Bishop of Chester. So that the line, as the Quarterly Reviewer observes, "is at last free from a most offensive anapæst in the fourth place: before this edition it was read, Τυφῶνα θοῦρον πᾶσιν ὃς ἀντέστη Oeois." "Multa scriptorum loca e schedis Porsoni indicat B.," says the Edinburgh Reviewer, "in qua as perperam a librariis invectum sit. Quanquam fatendum est, nonnihil de vi sententiæ ablatum iri, si a nostro loco ejiciatur. Emendabat Elmsleius ad Aristoph. Ach. 1082. Τυφών, ἅπασιν ὅστις ἀντέστη θεοῖς : sed recte monet B. vocem loupov pro librariorum additamento vix haberi posse." Now, in an author whom Eschylus was very fond of imitating, we find Μή τίς τοι τάχα "Ιρου ἀμείνων ἄλλος ἀναστῇ.Od. Σ. 333. and the Scholiast explains ἀναστῇ by ἀγωνίσηται. I suggest, therefore, that we retain both foupov and Täσv, and yet get rid of the anapæst by reading Τυφῶνα θοῦρον, πᾶσιν ὃς ἀνέστη θεοῖς. T. DE DIFFERENTIA PROSÆ ET POETICÆ ORATIONIS DISPUTATIO. A GODOF. HERMANNO. CIOCCXCIV. No. II. [Continued from No. LXXIII.] De dictione. SED posteaquam de cogitationibus explicavimus, ad sermonem adgrediemur, cujus quas fecimus duas partes, dictionem atque elocutionem, (15) ex iis primo de dictione exponemus. Ac dictionem eum vocamus vocabulorum usum, quem notitiæ et cogitationes, quæ vocabulis indicantur, exigunt. Hunc pro fine prosæ orationis et poeseos quattuor modis considerare oportebit. Etenim et ipsa vocabula, quæ utriusque generis propria sunt, spectari convenit et qualitates vocabulorum, id est significationes, et nexum, qui positus est in constructione, et eam denique totius orationis conformationem, quæ animi varias affectiones prodit. Ac primum quod ad ipsa vocabula attinet, neminem fugit, alia prosæ orationis, alia poeseos propria esse vocabula. Horum ea, quæ ad poesin pertinent, ob hanc ipsam caussam, quod in communi sermone non sunt usitata, admonent lectorem vel auditorem, non solum rem de qua sermo est, sed alia etiam, quæ cum ea re conjuncta sint atque cognata, cogitari debere. Est autem duplex horum ratio vocabulorum. Alia enim tota sunt poeticæ orationis: ut Avkáßas, quo verbo non modo annuum spatium, sed quidquid in tali temporis tractu præterea cogitari potest, indicatur, veluti longa duratio, indefessus dierum decursus, mensura immensæ æternitatis. Ad idem genus infinita etiam compositorum multitudo pertinet. Alia formam tantummodo aliam in poesi, quam in prosa oratione, accipiunt, quæ forma nunc aliquid ad vim significationis confert, nunc significationem quidem non mutat, sed tamen, quoniam ad solam poesin adhibetur, animum ad ea, quæ in omni oratione ad pulcritudinis sensum apta sint, jubet advertere. E priori genere formæ sunt antiquiores et rariores, quibus vel vetustas vel insolentia gravitatem aliquam ac dignitatem addit. Olli respondet rex Albai longai. Et apud Græcos poetas dialecti mutatio, ut 'A¤áva in tragicorum trimetris, atque omnino Doricæ linguæ in tragoedia et comœdia usus. Est enim ipso sono grandior hæc communi. Ad alterum genus pertinent illæ formæ, quæ poeticis flexionibus continentur, ut değirepós, éλáσaoke,' quorum infinita multitudo in epico Græcorum sermone invenitur. (16) Secundo loco de significatione verborum dicendum est. Hujus duæ sunt formæ, una simplex, altera translata, quam vocant tropicam. Utraque et in prosa oratione et in poesi usurpatur, sed simplicem tamen illam, quia ad cognitionem rerum accommodatissima est, præcipue ad prosam orationem pertinere, tropicam autem in poesi quasi domicilium habere suum in promptu est. Ac de illa quidem forma, quam simplicem dicimus, nihil est quod hic disputetur. Quæ ubi in poesi usurpatur, verba non suapte quadam vi, sed ob sententiam quæ in iis inest poetica sunt. Tropos vero diligentius considerare operæ pretium est. Ac tropos ita dicimus, ut quemcumque intelligamus verborum usum, qui a simplici et naturali significatione recedit. Nam qui tropos Hoc verbum ita tantum commemorari potuit, si communis quæ vocatur Græcorum dialectus spectaretur. Neque enim natura sua istæ verborum in aoxov et oxov terminationes a prosa oratione abhorrent, sed formæ sunt frequentativæ Ionibus usitatæ. eo a figuris differre putant, quod tropi singulorum verborum, figuræ conjunctorum sint, non plane verum videntur consequuti. Etenim nullum est verbum, quod utrum tropicam an non tropicam significationem habeat, aliter possis quam comparatione conjunctorum vocabulorum intelligere. Sunt autem troporum genera quattuor. Primum genus ad numeri significationem spectat, ejusque tres formæ sunt: pluralis numerus singularem significans, αὐτόξυλόν γ ̓ ἔκπωμα, φλαυρούργον τινὸς singularis pluralem indicans, Phrygium ut nemus citato cupide pede tetigit: pluralis singularem, simulque singularis pluralem denotans, καὶ Σκύθης ὅμιλος, οἳ γᾶς ἔσχατον πόρον ἀμφὶ Μαι- Secundum genus troporum gradus notationem habet. Hujus quoque tres formæ sunt; prima, imminuto significationis pondere majorem gradum indicans, quod est in deminutivis iis, quæ vocantur VπOKOρLOTIKά; secunda forma minorem gradum aucta significatione notans: maximus Atlas; (17) Tertia talis est, ut verbum limitatam duabus contrariis significationibus vim accipiat. Quod quidem non potest aliter fieri, nisi sic, ut altera significatio in alterius locum succedat. Ut quod de Vettio monumentum patris exarante dixit Cæsar Augustus, hoc est vere monumentum patris colere. Nam colere ita dixit, ut, quum arationem vellet intelligi, honorem nominaret, quum autem honorem intelligeret, significaret arationem. Tertium genus troporum spectat ad nexum, qui est inter res ipsas, in quibus significandis versantur tropi. Atque hujus quoque generis tres formas numeramus. Prima est, qua nota rei pro re ipsa, vel res ipsa pro nota rei ponitur. Ac nota quidem pro re ipsa, ut sceptrum pro imperio, Pelides pro Achille. Eschylus de Persis et Græcis : πότερον τόξου ῥῦμα τὸ νικῶν, λόγχης ἰσχὺς κεκράτηκεν. Secunda forma est, qua caussa pro effectu nominatur, ut uva pro vino, vel effectus pro caussa, ut palma pro victoria. Tertia denique forma est, qua totum pro parte, vel pars pro toto ponitur, ut quum populus pro rege ejus, vel dux pro exercitu, equi, ut apud Homerum, pro curru cum equis nominantur. Quartum denique genus troporum continet translationes a vi, quam res ad animum habent, factas. Atque apertum est, pro |