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conspicuously associated with the Garrisonian body, as had both Parker and Higginson. Of Abolitionists Brown asked no certificate except their readiness for forcible measures against slavery. To Theodore Parker he named Parker Pillsbury as possibly one such. “Do you not know of some parties whom you could induce to give their abolition theories a thoroughly practical shape?... Do you think any of my Garrisonian friends, either at Boston, Worcester, or any other place, can be induced to supply a little • straw' if I will absolutely make .bricks'?”
On February 5: “Wrote J Brown Jr abot going to W & many other things.” From Sanborn (page 450) we learn that " W" stands for Washington, and that the son was urged to go there and try to raise money of Congressmen. Also :
“ I have been thinking that I would like to have you make a trip to Bedford, Chambersburg, Gettysburg, and Uniontown, in Pennsylvania, traveling slowly along, and inquiring out every man on the way, or every family of the right stripe, and getting acquainted with them as much as you could. When you look at the location of those places you will readily perceive the advantage of getting up some acquaintance in those parts.”
On February 6:“Wrote F B Sanborn freely about C F[Col. Forbes] saying write me as before directed.” Forbes had been writing letters to Sanborn, Sumner, and Dr. Howe, holding them responsible for the termination of his engagement with Brown and consequent pecuniary distress. February 9: “ Wrote J B Jr returning F[orbes's] Letter, &c.” Sanborn prints this extraordinary letter of Brown in full on page 432. Forbes had written to Brown under date of January 27 in care of his son. Brown desires the latter to return the communication as if it had been withheld, on the ground that the elder Brown would regard it as "highly offensive and insulting ;” and further to inform Forbes that “I [i. e., John Brown, Jr.] was trying to send you a little assistance myself — say about forty dollars,” whereas this lay wholly in the father's intention, who, if the rebuke had the desired effect on Forbes, “ would like to get a draft for forty dollars, payable to his order, and remit him at once.”
Brown continued his pressure on his Eastern confidants. “ Feb 10th Wrote G L Stearns & Mr Sanborn to know if they can meet me at Gerrit Smiths. Wrote Charles Blair to direct Freight (the pikes] to E A Fobes Ashtabula, Ohio ; & to write me at Lindenville; Care of E. A. Fobes.” “ Feby 12th Wrote T W Higginson Worcester Mass asking him to meet me at G Smiths with Stearns & Sanborn." This is the letter in which Brown defined his present purpose as “ [Underground] Railroad business on a somewhat extended scale ;” a measure “ that I feel sure would awaken in you something more than a common interest if you could understand it.” Mr. Sanborn alone answered the call to Peterboro', when Brown unfolded his Southern plan of campaign, showed his provisional “ Constitution,” and received the necessary encouragement.
From Peterboro' he proceeded to Brooklyn, where he held consultations with his colored friends, particularly the Rev. J. W. Loguen, a frequent correspondent, as our memorandum - book shows. From that city on February 27, “ Wrote F B Sanborn about books and Drilling & to enclose to Jas N Gloucester : for next Two or Three days.” The reference to books is thus explained by text (Sanborn, p. 443): “I want to put into the hands of my young men copies of Plutarch’s ‘Lives,' Irving's Life of Washington,' the best-written Life of Napoleon, and other similar books, together with maps and statistics of States.” The “Drilling” was innocent “ best white cotton drilling.”
March 4: " Wrote John to enclose to S'phen Smith Philadelphia.” Brown was now in Boston at the American House, where, beside his coal fire, he proposed to Sanborn the seizing of Harper's Ferry – “putting it as a question, rather, without expressing his own purpose.” To his son he wrote as above (Sanborn, p.
“ As it may require some time to hunt out friends at Bedford, Chambersburg, Gettysburg, Hagerstown, Md., or even Harper's Ferry, Va., I would like to have you arrange your business so as to set out very soon, unless you hear to the contrary from me right away. Have pretty much concluded not to have you go to Washington.”
Brown was next due in Philadelphia, March 15, to confer with the Rev. Stephen Smith and other colored men of that city, together with Frederick Douglass. Towards the end of the month he was at North Elba ; on April 2 at Peterboro', whence he repaired to St. Catherine's, Canada. From this place : “ April 8th Wrote J Brown Jr about Mr Case & to have him Case & John write me to Allex E Fobes.” Case was a nurseryman near Rochester, and, from the letter, it appears that he had undertaken the commission formerly assigned to the younger Brown, namely, “ hunting up every person and family of the reliable kind about, at, or near Bedford, Chambersburg, Gettysburg, and Carlisle, in Pennsylvania, and also Hagerstown and vicinity, Maryland, and Harper's Ferry, Va.” Between the middle and the end of April Brown had journeyed to Springdale, Iowa, and back to Chicago, where he wrote to his family that part of his company had arrived on April 28. The following entry relates to these : "1858 May 1st Ten persons began to board with Mr Barber 29th April at Dinner Three others began may 1st at Breakfast.” Brown spoke of them as “shepherds,” and his enterprise as “ wool business.”
Revisiting Chatham, in Canada West, he was apprised by Sanborn of Forbes's threats to publish the conspiracy, and responded on May 5 (" Wrote F B Sanborn about F; haste for funds"). On May 11, the day after holding a convention at Chatham among the fugitive slaves settled there, he again addressed Sanborn, as well as Gerrit Smith, on the same subject; on the 12th, " Wrote Wife, & Children about F, prospects, money, Flour,” etc. (Sanborn, p. 455); on the 13th, Dr. Howe, “ about F &c;" on the 14th, Higginson and Sanborn “about F matters hinting to question F about where I am or was.” “You can say with perfect truth to F.,” he wrote to Mr. Sanborn, “ that you do not know what has become of me; and you might ask him when he last heard from me, and wbere I was at the time.”
Meanwhile his company were eating him up, and he was borrowing of them and of their keeper: “ May 13 Kagi left boarding with Mr [Barber?] at this date after
$10.84 “ George B Gill Cr By cash loaned me $10.00 “ Charles Whipple Cr By cash for Owen
0.75 “ “ C W Moffatt Cr By cash
0.50 “ “ “ “ By paid Bowersock
1.50.” Another embarrassment arose from a warning from Mr. Stearns not to use the Kansas defense arms in his possession for any other purpose, and a summons to New York. On May 19 Brown replied : “ Wrote GLS about his Two letters [May 14, 15] ; Expences &c; urgently." But go to New York he did, and then to Boston, where the Virginia raid was postponed and a temporary interdict placed upon the use of the arms except in Kansas. Thither our disappointed guerrilla chief now betook himself. He left Boston on June 3, he reached Lawrence, Kansas, on June 25. Midway, on June 16, he wrote a letter to his family, after which entry bis memorandum-book is silent till April 5, 1859.
In the interval, taking the name of " Capt. Shubel Morgan," VOL. XV. – NO. 85.
and, for further disguise, letting his beard grow, he had formed a new company in the Territory, established a kind of fort near the Missouri border, crossed the line on December 20, 1858, and rescued ten slaves, and then slowly convoyed them to Canada, which was reached on March 12, 1859. Sanborn prints (p. 519) another diary, beginning March 10, 1859, at Detroit, and, with a pause from March 25 to June 18, ending September 9. The missing entries are found in our memorandum-book, but are of little interest for our present purpose.
Stitched in among the blank pages which succeed is a small fragment of blue paper indorsed “Due Jason $10,” and with these lines penciled on the front :
to be peacible be “All peacible proslavery citizens known, shall not protected in their lives and property.
direct or indirect “All injurious action, or information of that kind commu" — And with this seeming rough draft of articles xxxiv. (“ Neutrals”) and xxxv. (“ No needless waste”) of his Chatham provisional Constitution, I take leave of John Brown of Harper's Ferry — logically and historically, the right man in the right place; ethically, as one views him from the standpoint of Christian non-resistance or “ Christian” war. His second memorandum-book, like his first, is now in the Boston Public Library; for what would John Brown have been without Boston ?
Wendell Phillips Garrison. New York, N. Y.
ETHICS AND ECONOMICS.
It is an interesting coincidence that the father of political economy should also have been a professor of moral philosophy, and that, while expounding a science in which personal interest is said to be the principal factor or the universal postulate, he should make sympathy the basis of morals. The fact is all the more interesting to the present age, because it is discovering so clearly that all wealth is social in its nature; that what the individual possesses, or claims to possess, is, in most cases at least, the joint product of his fellow-creatures with himself. The individual does not determine the whole value of wealth, if he indeed determines any of it. No doubt the fact has been clear enough to other periods besides our own, when any reflection was given to it, but its force and significance form the peculiar point of view in modern economic discussions. The effect of improved machinery, inventions, and of transportation has so connected distant parts of the globe, and so greatly modified or increased the interdependence of individuals upon each other, that the “ solidarity” of human interests and duties, as the French aptly call it, has become a more apparent and important fact than ever before. He did not see the matter as it is appreciated to-day, although some of the doctrines by which he revolutionized modern trade are based upon this very principle. The moral tone of his work on “ Wealth ” might have suggested it. Both his economics and his ethics issued from the same crucible, and the former is more colored by reflections drawn from the sphere of the latter than is usual with such works ; especially such as have followed in the footsteps of Ricardo. The very fact that he made the social instinct of sympathy the basis of morals may explain bis moralizing tendencies in the “ Wealth of Nations.” For it was easy to remark the injustice that is frequently incident to the inequalities of distribution, and hence a nature which found its moral impulses in pity for suffering could scarcely avoid giving some ethical coloring to a discussion of wealth, where so much wrong comes from the pursuit of selfinterest against the rights of others. But whatever speculations may be indulged about the nearness of his conceptions to modern ethico-economic ideas, it is certain that he drew no broad line of distinction between the two sciences as they are known to-day. He was less interested in defining their respective boundaries than in the study of facts, the formulation of laws, and their moral application to the welfare of man. He simply treated the subjects as connected, without assuming consciously that they were either distinct or correlated sciences.
The first tendency, however, was for the two subjects to drift apart and each to become independent. It would be interesting to trace the causes of this, which would be found in both the intellectual and the economical developments of the past. In the former it is due to the general differentiation of the sciences from the origin of philosophy to the present day; in the latter it is the growing knowledge of the vast and complicated field of economic forces which have to be examined apart from other subjects, if any reasonable limits at all are to be assigned to the investigation. In both departments the tendency to reparation may be reduced