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of the country, but it has been the source of very great individual hardship and loss. For the amount of farm mortgages and the effect upon the farmers, see partial reports from the States of Connecticut, Illinois, Michigan, Kansas, and South Dakota ; also articles in “ Political Science Quarterly,” September, 1889, “ Andover Review," September, 1890.

The unsatisfactory results of the English system of land tenure led, in 1870, to the formation of the Land Tenure Reform Association, of which Mr. Mill was the leader, and to the schemes of Henry George, 1881, and of Alfred Russell Wallace, 1882, which brought the nationalization of land into practical politics. For discussion of land nationalization see • Progress and Poverty; ” “ Contemporary Socialism,” last chapter, in reply to Henry George ; Laveleye in “ Contemporary Review,” November, 1882 ; George Gunton in “ Forum,” March, 1887 ; W. T. Harris in “ Forum,” July, 1887.

The Wage System affects the material condition of the "industrial” classes, as systems of land tenure affect the condition of the agricultural classes. It has elevated labor from the relation of servitude or vassalage to that of contract, and while it has brought in some special forms of oppression, it has created in trades unions its own means of protection. Organized labor is now beyond the reach of poverty. Pauperism is recruited from the ranks of unorganized labor, and the chief question of investigation at this point is, whether there is any other relief for underpaid and overworked or irregularly employed laborers, except in organization. The labor question touches pauperism only through the unemployed or unorganized.

4. The moral element in the causes of pauperism is one of the most determinative, but one of the most elusive. Morality is so conventionalized as to produce different material results. Customs and practices which in one community are accounted immoral, and because they are counted immoral produce poverty, in another community are not accounted immoral, and because they are not accounted criminal do not produce poverty; while other practices, like drunkenness, produce the same material effect the world over. Personal character, too, is a variable quantity. It may be negative or positive ; and the individual may be shiftless or vicious, or both. And the whole matter of individual responsibility is complicated with questions of heredity.

Only approximate results can be gained, and these chiefly through statistics.

The student of the moral element in the causes of pauperism must be referred to works of social analysis, in which careful and minute classifications are made. Of such works special mention may be made of Charles Booth's “Life and Labor in East London," the “ Jukes,” by R. L. Dugdale, the “ Tribe of Ishmael, a Study in Social Degradation,” by Rev. O. C. McCulloch. Much reliable information may also be gained from the various state reports on Charities and Corrections, from the publication entitled “ Conference of Charities and Corrections,” and from the investigations of the Statistical Associations.

The various and far-reaching causes affecting the material condition of a people have been suggested at the outset, that any one investigating the subject of pauperism may be led to avoid the danger of easy solutions of the problem, or of empirical methods of relief.

William Jewett Tucker. ANDOVER.


Among recent ecclesiastical events in England there has been one which was long and anxiously awaited — the judgment of the Archbishop of Canterbury in the case of the Bishop of Lincoln, who was charged before him with various ritualistic practices contrary to the legitimate usage of the Church of England. The result is in some ways satisfactory, in other ways the reverse: it has justified the Bishop of Lincoln on most points at issue, though they were largely.charges of having done what a superior court to the Archbishop's — the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council — had already declared to be illegal: it has found that only in the case of certain manual acts used in celebrating the Holy Eucharist was the action of the Bishop of Lincoln illegal, though these acts have been in frequent use in many churches for a considerable time. It has not therefore been a victory for either party ; it may help to make both the High Church party, who have spent £4,600 in defending the Bishop, and the Low Church party, who have generally been successful in previous ritualistic prosecutions, hesitate before going to war again, but it does not appear likely to result in any permanent peace between them.

The Congregationalist body have recently suffered a severe loss in Dr. Alexander Hannay, the Secretary of the English Congregational Union, whose death not only deprives the body of its leading permanent official, but comes at a very unfortunate moment in view of the great assembly of Congregationalist delegates from all over the world, which is expected to meet in London next summer. Dr. Hannay was a man of singularly noble presence and courtly manners, a fine speaker, and universally respected. He had visited our colonies and America officially, and had a standing and authority, which his successor — whoever he may be — will take years to acquire.

The late Dr. Hatch's Hibbert Lectures on the “Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church ” have at length appeared. In some measure they are incomplete, being in the later chapters largely, at least in form, the editor's work. They will, no doubt, add to their author's high reputation, being full of suggestions as to the points in which the social and intellectual forces of the ancient world influenced the Christian religion in its infancy and growth.

A great stir of interest and enthusiasm followed the publication of General Booth's book “In Darkest England and the Way Out," the main ideas of which have been already made known to readers of the “ Andover Review.” It has excited a great amount of enthusiasm in all sections of the Christian communities, and of the £100,000 asked for to start the scheme, not less than £70,000 are now collected. The great scheme, on the one hand, has received the approval of some very cautious and experienced philanthropists, — notably the Home Colonization Society, which aimed at reforming our pauper class by planting them out in farm colonies in England, and which has practically united its forces with General Booth. On the other hand, warning voices have not been wanting, which have urged that the scheme will not work successfully or smoothly ; most serious of these warnings is that of Mr. C. S. Lock, the

very able Secretary of the Charity Organization Society, whose great experience and services demand that his criticisms should be well weighed. But with caution and care, no doubt, the scheme should relieve our society of much misery and sin; it cannot be expected to rid the world of all poverty and crime, but it is already evident that whatever inoney and willing workers can attain along its lines will be actually accomplished.

Attention has been already called, in these Notes, to the legislative reforms that have been made recently in the direction of compelling local authorities to preserve the dwellings of the people in a sanitary condition. The year 1890 has not seen any more useful measure passed by the British Parliament than the Housing of the Working Classes Act, which consolidates the many previous heterogeneous acts which all too ineffectually enforced sanitation. The main provision of this measure declares that it shall be the duty of every local authority to cause to be made from time to time inspections of their districts, with a view to ascertain whether any dwelling-house therein is in such a state as to render it unfit for human health and habitation : if any dwelling-house appears to be in such a state, proceedings must be forthwith taken to close it. This act recognizes, perhaps more strongly than any previous act of Parliament, the duties and responsibilities of owners of real estate : this is seen in such provisions as that enabling local authorities to grant to the occupiers the cost of their removal from the unsuitable dwellings, and to recover it as a civil debt from the owners of the property, and that safe guarding against the payment of excessive compensation in respect of dwellings allowed to get into bad repair, or an insanitary state, and which may be closed or even demolished by the sanitary authorities. Another new act for the prevention of infectious diseases is equally thorough: it provides for the removal of the bodies of persons who have died, and for the detention in hospital of persons suffering or recovering from infectious diseases ; it provides for immediate and complete disinfection of dwellings where disease has been, and even for sheltering those who are obliged to leave dwellings for the purpose of their being disinfected ; to these powers is attached the lever of adequate penalties, which may be recovered in a court of summary jurisdiction. Yet another act must be mentioned, that by which the inhabited house duty is to be abolished in the case of large houses, let in tenements to poor families, whose dwellings would not be liable if not forming part of a large building. This tax is only to be remitted where a certificate of the medical officer of health is produced to the effect that the houses in question are sanitary and suitable for their inhabitants. It is indeed a bright and hopeful fact that such drastic legislation, which in its stern attitude towards the owners of real estate is in strong contrast to the tenor of so many of our laws, has been passed through Parliament by a Conservative government and without any opposition whatever.

It now lies with the local authorities and with public opinion to say whether there shall continue to be in our cities those areas of dirty and insanitary dwellings, in which disease and crime flourish. There can be little doubt that the public mind is widening in its ideas of what is needful for health, and what are the duties of municipal authorities. This is seen in the action of the London County Council, which has already decided to put the new act in use, and to clear a large area of sixteen aeres in Bethnal Green, the houses on which are in a disgraceful condi

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tion: the owners will be compulsorily bought out, and gradually the old hovels will give place to model dwellings.

Meanwhile a kindred interest to that in sanitation is being increasingly manifest in the two greatest problems of municipal London, the water supply and the main drainage system. London is very inade quately supplied with water ; its supply is drawn chiefly from the upper Thames, which is not always pure and might be uncertain in a drought. It is becoming a burning question, whether a larger and better supply is not needed, and, if needed, whence it should come. The main drainage system of London is as inferior to that of Paris as London's water supply is inferior to that of Rome. A great amount of the filth of the metropolis is poured into the Thames, and is floated up and down on the tides, an ugly and unhealthy fact: when or how the change to a good system will come it is impossible to say.

Of course the absorbing topic of interest during the last few weeks has been the extraordinary development of political events following on the finding of the jury in the Divorce Court, in the case in which Mr. Parnell, the Irish leader, was charged with adultery: what the result will be for the history of Ireland cannot yet be foreseen. Deplorable as many of the circumstances of the crisis are, it must be owned that the unanimous and unfaltering determination of the English Liberals, headed by Mr. Gladstone, to demand that their political allies shall be men of private probity as well as men of public ability is a credit to themselves and to their country.



On Right AND WRONG. By WILLIAM S. LILLY. 1 vol. 8vo, pp. 284.

London : Chapman & Hall. 1890.

Mr. Lilly is a vigorous opponent of Spencerian and evolutionistic ethics generally. He is a popular writer upon the subject, and does not pretend to treat the subject either from the standpoint of a scientist who disputes the truth of evolution, or from the position of a moralist who, while admitting the doctrine under limitations, refuses to concede that it solves the main problem of morals. On the contrary, Mr. Lilly attacks it for what he imagines are and will be the consequences of the doctrine. He quite correctly appreciates the dangers to present civilization coming from the reaction which evolution heads, but he does not see so clearly, nor propose in any satisfactory form any adequate preventive against, the consequences which he deplores. His consciousness of the crisis in ethical problems could not be stronger. It stimulates him to some very strong and eloquent writing, and often to some exaggerations, but always to very great moral earnestness. He very correctly observes the relaxing influence which the doctrine is exercising upon the moral ideals of the past. But he is quite wrong in throwing the whole responsibility for these consequences upon evolution, because the mind would not be

disposed to draw destructive inferences if it had not been told for centuries that the truth of the doctrine would produce the evils to be feared, and so it is but accepting the conclusions it was taught to believe when opposition to development can no longer be justified. Evolutionists are not drawing their own inferences only, but such as tradition has told them must be drawn from their doctrine; and now we have no recourse left but to interpose a charge of non sequitur against the inference, and condemn the previous systems of thought for so fatal an admission. Until this is done, books like Mr. Lilly's do more harm than good, although there is no disputing either their sincerity or the justice of their fears.

The first chapter discusses the crisis of ethics, and it portrays the rapid growth of materialism, in France especially, and also in England and Germany, with the terrible havoc it is beginning to play with the moral conceptions of previous periods of history. This is marked in both public and private life. In France particularly it has sapped the foundations of conjugal ethics and relations, and tarnished the character of politics. There is no gainsaying the fact, and it will not do in reply to say that the views of the best and most reliable thinkers are not materialistic. For even if what is called matter may be resolved into something more spiritual, the main issue is not altered which regards the actual interpretation of facts and consequences accepted by the general mind; and hence it is the result of changing front upon old conceptions that brings about the revolution in morals, whatever the verdict of an attenuated metaphysics upon the deeper problem. A popular materialism may reign when the few scattered and profounder thinkers may maintain that it is not well founded. It is therefore possible to assert truthfully that materialism of at least one sort is largely on the increase, and more facts than the author enumerates (and he mentions a host of them) could be adduced to show that the apprehensions of earnest thinkers have some foundation for their existence. Herbert Spencer, Leslie Stephen, and Professor Huxley come in for some pretty hard blows and severe treatment, and in many cases not without justice. Subsequent chapters are little more than an enlargement of the general impeachment. Some of them emphasize the rights and authority of “reason " against the claims of evolution founded upon “empirical ” and sensational theories of philosophy. But the most of the material used consists of sharp sayings and criticisms drawn from the remarks of great men generally, and facts incident to, or evidence of, the decline in morality.

But this sort of treatment is not effective. Sectarians in philosophy and theology may applaud it, but all who understand the arguments for evolution and the delusions sustained by diatribes against science must deplore such work, and wish that wiser counsels had prevailed in Mr. Lilly's feelings and criticisms. Most certainly every man who has any acquaintance, thorough acquaintance we mean, with the many and complex opinions of philosophers, will remonstrate against Mr. Lilly's assertion that there are only two schools of thought, “ Materialism” and * Transcendentalism” in metaphysics, and “ Hedonism” and “Transcendentalism" in ethics, between which a man must choose. We can readily admit that in a certain very broad sense such a view is true. But it is not in any sense by which the distinction can be of any use practically for solving the problems our author tries to hinge upon them. There is a score of other theories besides these which a man can adopt, without so much as forming an opinion about the two which Mr. Lilly

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