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of those who, in theory, cling most tenaciously to the old views, take this course. But this will not do either. Silence is sure to be interpreted as lack of intellectual courage or lack of frankness, vices which will and ought to cost the ministry its influence with the best of its hearers. Nor is this all. It is naturally the negative side of the new criticism which makes the greatest, or at least the first, impression on the ordinary reader. Moses did not write the Pentateuch, Isaiah is not all by Isaiah, Daniel is a Maccabæan apocalypse, —the Old Testament, as we have received it, seems to crumble away under the touch of criticism. And with men and women who have been brought up in the strict Reformed doctrine of Scripture and its inspiration, that is something very like the destruction of the foundations. If the teachers of the Christian people shrink from their task, and stand dumb in confusion or pusillanimity, the sudden breaking in of the new criticism into the old dogmatism will result in an epidemic of skepticism.

The only way to recover the use of the Old Testament "for reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness," the only way to keep it from becoming a real hindrance to Christian faith, especially on the part of educated men, is to accept in good earnest, and without reserve, the results of historical criticism, and to show, in the light of these results, what is the character and worth of the religion which inspired these writings, what the spirit and the power which they can impart to us. The only possible remedy for the evils which negative criticism causes is positive criticism.

The most important positive result of the modern historical study of the Old Testament is that it has restored the prophets to their true place in the history of religion, and has thus put us in the way to understand both them and it. If we cannot pretend that all the seven seals which lie upon these ancient books have been removed, at least the greatest obstacle to right apprehension is put out of, the way when we have learned to read them, not as interpreters and vindicators of the Mosaic law, links in the chain of tradition which stretches from Mount Sinai to the Doctors of the Talmud, not as collections of oracles concerning Christ and his kingdom, but as leaders in the march of religious thought, and, above all, preachers of righteousness in their generation.

This point of view is of great importance for the understanding of the origins of Christianity, which was not merely a fulfillment of the predictions of the prophets, but a return to their teaching about the nature of true religion, a revival of their spirit. Arising in the midst of the nomistic deism of Pharisaic Judaism, whose ideal was holiness through the works of the law, it revolted against this externalizing of religion, and went back to the loftier ideal of the prophets, a religion whose soul is faith, its life righteousness. And when Paul, in the Epistle to the Galatians, contends that the religion of faith is not only better but older than the religion of observance, that the law, however necessary it may

have been, was a secondary and adventitious element in the religion of Israel, which could not change, though it might conceal, its real character, he expressed the judgment of the relation of law to prophecy which Christianity, clearly conscious of its own spirit, must give a priori, and for which modern criticism of the Old Testament has supplied the historical basis that Paul sought to find in the relation of the covenant with Abraham to the legislation of Moses.

But the religious teaching of the prophets has a permanent worth of its own, apart from its relation to Christianity, which the church has never fully appreciated or put to use. The prophets are the most modern part of the Old Testament. The conception of religion which they combat, as the essence of heathenism, that God will take religiousness in lieu of uprightness, that He will show favoritism to his devout worshipers, without examining too closely into their way of doing business, is far from being extinct. The message with which they shocked the religious conservatism of their time, that God cares nothing at all about the externals of worship, but everything for conduct, is not yet regarded as quite sound. Or take the prophets' ideas of society and the relations of social classes. The prophets of the eighth century lived in a time when many men had become suddenly rich, and, greed and power growing with their wealth, were bent on making themselves richer, no matter who suffered for it. The old common law did not cover the cases which arose in a period of commerce and speculation; and, added to this, the judges themselves belonged, for the most part, to the classes who had been enriched by the national expansion, while many of them were unblushingly corrupt, so that the poor man was always in the wrong. In this crisis of society the speeches of the prophets have a socialistic ring that is modern enough. Their denunciations of the land monopoly by which the old peasant proprietors were crowded out and left to take their choice between serfdom and starvation, of the unheard-of luxury of the rich, with their magnificent banquets, their foreign clothes, and apish foreign ways, are unceasing and unsparing. They had, it is true, no cool, economic heads to see how the evil could be remedied. They had no socialistic programme; their Utopia was a land whose people were all upright. But they foretold, with all the energy of intense conviction, the judgment of a righteous God on the generation which did such things or allowed them; and history verified their prediction.

The prophets must be understood in the light of their times; their social and moral teachings by the state of society in their day; their religious teachings in relief against the popular religion of the mass of their contemporaries, against the opposing views of priests and false prophets. We get this background in part from the writings of the prophets themselves, in doing which we must, of course, not forget that their aim was not to present to posterity a true and complete history of morals in their age, but to goad the conscience of their contemporaries NO. 86.

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and impel them to reform. Satirists and moral reformers always draw a one-sided, if not an exaggerated or in other respects untrue, picture of their times. The historical books of the Old Testament enable us to fill out and in some points to correct this picture; on the other hand, they reflect and illustrate the judgment of the prophets. The Assyrian inscriptions have rectified the chronology of the eighth century, and in many other ways thrown light upon the history of Israel and the threatenings and predictions of the prophets.

With the prophets of the eighth century the beginning must be made of turning the results of the new Biblical learning to the uses of Christian intelligence, and so of Christian faith. If we want people to believe that there is a Word of God in the prophets, we must let them hear it. If we do, we may be sure that it will assert its origin in the power with which it takes hold of them. And to that end, the Old Testament, to which so many are ready to pay any tribute except that of reading it, must become to us a living word.

HEINRICH SCHLIEMANN.

THE death of Heinrich Schliemann closes the career of one of the most remarkable men of our time. Indeed, Schliemann's life was so extraordinary that the full story of it would read almost like a romance.

He was born in an obscure little German village, the son of a Lutheran clergyman. When he was fourteen years old his father lost his parish, and therewith the ability to further provide the means for the son's education. The youth was therefore apprenticed to a grocer, for whom he was required to work from five o'clock in the morning till eleven at night. But a serious accident, due to overwork, made his services worthless to his employer; he was therefore deprived of even the scanty livelihood which with great hardship he had hitherto earned, and forced to confront a prospect most discouraging. Not knowing what else to do, he set out on foot for Hamburg, a distance of one hundred and thirty miles, barefoot, and obliged to beg his food by the way. Arriving at Hamburg, he shipped as cabin-boy on a vessel bound for South America, but was wrecked off the coast of Holland. In spite of many and terrible sufferings and dangers, he was saved and brought at length to Amsterdam, but only to look distress and want again in the face. Feigning illness, he was admitted to the hospital, where he remained till the kindness and charity of friends set him on his feet again, and opened for him the way which led ultimately to his splendid fortune. The details of the story cannot, need not, be given here. On the 26th of December ultimo he died at Naples; and on the 4th of January instant it was telegraphed from Athens - his home since 1871. as a matter of world-wide interest: "Dr. Henry Schliemann was buried here to-day." And we are further informed that he who had once wandered

homeless and penniless through the streets of a strange city was followed to his grave by the King, the Crown Prince, Premier Delyannis, ex-Premier Tricoupis, Dragounis, and most of the Cabinet ministers, besides a host of scholars representing the leading nations of the world.

Schliemann himself has told us that his father made the tragic fate of Herculaneum and Pompeii a frequent topic of conversation with him, and dwelt often on the good fortune of one who could visit the excavations which had already been carried on at these places. Often, too, would the father recite passages from Voss's German translation of Homer; so that while yet a mere child the son came to have an enthusiastic interest in the events and heroes of the Trojan War. On a certain Christmas, young Schliemann received as a present a copy of Jerrer's Universal History," having among its illustrations a large picture of Troy in flames. "There," said the boy to his father, "did you not say that Troy was utterly destroyed hundreds of years before Homer's time? How, then, is Jerrer able to give us this picture?" In vain the father asserted that what was represented in the picture was purely imaginary; the boy maintained that, even if the city were destroyed, there must be somewhere splendid remains of the massive walls of "well-built Ilium," which a thorough exploration of the site would surely bring to light. And so the discussion ended with the understanding that Heinrich should some day excavate Troy; and Schliemann has assured us that through all the vicissitudes of his commercial life this idea was never absent from his mind, but was the goal of his ambition. Business was pursued and wealth acquired only that he might at last be able to prove the reasonableness of his faith in the historic foundation of the Homeric legends.

It was a fortunate circumstance, both for his commercial success and for his subsequent archæological work, that the study and acquisition of languages was with Schliemann almost a passion. English and French were each learned in six months; Dutch, Spanish, Italian, and Portuguese were subsequently mastered in six weeks each; again, six weeks of study were enough to enable him to write and speak with the Russian merchants who had correspondents in Amsterdam. Later, a working knowledge of Swedish, Polish, and Arabic was acquired. Finally, at the age of thirty-four, — after he had acquired a moderate fortune, the study of Greek was begun; the study of this language having been thus postponed, lest it "would exercise too great a fascination for him, and estrange him from his commercial business." Again, six weeks were sufficient for mastering the difficulties of modern Greek; while three months' study enabled him "to understand some of the ancient authors, and especially Homer," who was "read and re-read with the most lively enthusiasm."

Schliemann's method of learning languages the same with them all was forced upon him by the limitations of his circumstances, rather than deliberately chosen; yet it could hardly have been surpassed had

expert teachers been available for him. It consisted in reading a great deal aloud, without making a translation; devoting one hour every day to writing essays upon subjects of interest, correcting these under a teacher's supervision, learning them by heart, and repeating in the next lesson what was corrected on the previous day. This method, it is evident, must make extraordinary demands upon the memory; but every one who has learned another language than his own knows that this is inevitable in the mastery of a language by whatever method. Indeed, it is believed that the winning feature of the so-called "inductive method," which is having something of a "run" just now, is its being able to exact an unconditional surrender on this point from all who would follow it.

Schliemann was a great traveler. In the year 1858 he visited Sweden, Denmark, Italy; he also traveled in Egypt, sailing up the Nile as far as the Second Cataract; thence he went to Jerusalem, visited Petra, traversed the whole of Syria; and finally visited Smyrna, the Cyclades, and Athens. On a second tour, a few years later, he visited Malta, Tunis, Carthage, and Utica, and Egypt for the second time. In 1864 he started on a tour around the world, which lasted two years.

At the end of this tour, Schliemann was able to begin in earnest his archæological studies. For in 1863, while still in the prime of life, he found himself possessed of a fortune which exceeded even his most ambitious dreams; so that he could then retire from business, and devote himself unreservedly to the studies which always had had so great a charm for him. The winter of 1866-67 was accordingly spent in Paris, under the inspiration of the eminent archæologist Beulé.

The dreams of Schliemann's boyhood seemed now about to be realized. Patience, toil, and prosperity had brought the equipment of learning, wealth and practical experience; opportunity only was wanting. This was first found in searching for traces of the palace of Odysseus on the island of Ithaca. The results of this campaign were published under the title of "Ithaque, le Péloponnèse et Troie" in 1868. This work, and a dissertation in ancient Greek, secured for their author the degree of Ph. D. from the University of Rostock.

When Schliemann began his explorations in the Troad, there was a general agreement among scholars that Bunarbashi was the site of Homeric Ilium. But an examination of the arguments in favor of this site, followed by a tentative exploration of the locality itself, convinced Schliemann that Hissarlik, not Bunarbashi, should be the place where excavations must begin. Operations were commenced in 1871, and were carried on, with longer or shorter intervals, for more than ten years. A preliminary account of what was accomplished during the first three years was published in 1874 under the title of "Trojanische Alterthümer," simultaneously with which appeared a Greek translation of the same by A. R. Rangabé, the ambassador of Greece at Berlin. The English edition of this book, "Troy and its Remains," was issued in 1874, under the editorial care of the historian Philip Smith.

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