POLITICAL SPOILS.

289

the history and functions of the body of which he was such an illustrious member. It will be fitting to follow his criticism of that body in his article, "A Century in Congress," which he contributed to the Atlantic Monthly of July, 1877:

Congress has always been and must always be the theatre of contending opinions, the forum, where the opposing forces of political philosophy meet to measure their strength; where the public good must meet the assaults of local and sectional interests in a word, the appointed place, where the nation seeks to utter its thoughts and register its will.

In the main, the balance of power so admirably adjusted and distributed among the three great departments of the Government has been safely preserved. It was the purpose of our fathers to lodge absolute power nowhere; to leave each department independent within its own sphere; yet, in every case, responsible for the exercise of its discretion. But some dangerous innovations have been made. And first, the appointing power of the President has been seriously encroached upon by Congress, or rather by the members of Congress. Curiously enough, this encroachment originated in the act of the chief executive himself. The fierce popular hatred of the Federal party, which resulted in the elevation of Jefferson to the presidency, led that officor to set the first example of removing men from office on account of political opinions. For political causes alone, he removed a considerable number of officers who had recently been appointed by President Adams, and thus set the pernicious example. His immediate successors made only a few removals for political reasons. But Jackson made his political opponents, who were in office, feel the full weight of his executive hand. From that time forward, the civil offices of the Government became the prizes, for which political parties strove; and twenty-five years ago, the corrupting doctrine that "to the victors belong

290

the spoils" was shamelessly announced as an article of political faith and practice. It is hardly possible to state with adequate force the noxious influence of this doctrine. * ** The present system invades the independence of the executive, and makes him less responsible for the character of his appointments; it impairs the efficiency of the legislator, by diverting him from his proper sphere of duty, and involving him in the intrigues of aspirants for office; it degrades the civil service itself, by destroying the personal independence of those who are appointed; it repels from the service those high and manly qualities which are so necessary to a pure and efficient administration; and, finally, it debauches the public mind by holding up public office as the reward of mere party zeal. To reform this service is one of the highest and most imperative duties of statesmanship. This reform cannot be accomplished without a complete divorce between Congress and the Executive in the matter of appointments. It will be a proud day, when an administrator, senator or representa tive, who is in good standing in his party, can say, as Thomas Hughes said, during his recent visit to this country, that, though he was on the most intimate terms with the members of his administration, yet it was not in his power to secure the removal of the humblest clerk in the civil service of his gov

ernment.

I have long believed that the official relations between the Executive and Congress should be more open and direct. They are now conducted by correspondence with the presiding officers of the two Houses, by consultation with committees, or by private interviews with individual members. This frequently leads to misunderstandings, and may lead to corrupt combinations. It would be far better for both departments, if the members of the cabinet were permitted to sit in Congress and participate in the debates on measures relating to their several departments, but of course, without a vote. This would tend to secure the ablest men for the chief executive offices. It would bring the policy of the admini

NATIONAL PERILS.

291

stration into the fullest publicity by giving both parties ample opportunity for criticism and defense.

The most alarming feature of our situation is the fact, that so many citizens of high character and solid judgment pay but little attention to the sources of political power, to the selection of those, who shall make their laws. The clergy, the faculties of colleges, and many of the leading business men of the community never attend the township caucus, the city primaries or the county conventions; but they allow the less intelligent and the more selfish and corrupt members of the community to make the slates and "run the machine" of politics. They wait until the machine has done its work, and then, in surprise and horror at the ignorance and corruption in public, sigh for the return of that mythical period, called the "better and purer days of the Republic." It is precisely this neglect of the first steps in our political processes, that has made possible the worst evils of our system. Corrupt and incompetent presidents, judges and legislators can be removed; but when the fountains of political power are corrupted, when voters themselves become venal and elections fraudulent, there is no remedy except by awakening the public conscience and bringing to bear upon the subject the power of public opinion and the penalties of the law. The practice of buying and selling votes at our popular elections has already gained a foothold, though it has not gone so far as in England. In a word our national safety demands, that the fountains of political power shall be made pure by intelligence and kept pure by vigilance; that the best citizens shall take heed to the selection and election of the worthiest and most intelligent among them to hold seats in the national legislature; and that when the choice has been made, the continuance of their representatives shall depend upon their faithfulness, their ability and their willingness to work.

CHAPTER XX.

WR

THE ORATOR'S POWER.

E now invite the reader's attention to Garfield, as he appears in his speeches. If we cannot fully show his rare oratorical powers from his own words, it is because space forbids.

It was impossible for a man, so large hearted and so patriotic as Garfield, not to have felt deeply the death of Abraham Lincoln. He saw, that it was not the hand of one man, but the spirit of secession, aiming a last despairing blow at the great principles, that had conquered it. Naturally then his was the tongue to give some expression to the nation's grief. In the exciting hours, that followed Booth's cowardly pistol-shot, when the whole North was stirred with a whirlwind of mad passion, Garfield's hand was apparent in staying the impending storm, in counseling the wiser

course.

In the incident, which we are about to mention, the extraordinary moral power, which he always exerted over men, was perhaps never shown to better advantage. This incident is related by a distinguished public man, who was an eye-witness of the exciting events.

A POPULAR FRENZY.

293

He very graphically described the scenes, which he witnessed in New York City on the receipt of the news of Lincoln's assassination-the angry grief of the crowd, as they swore to avenge the murder of the martyred President; the immense assemblage in front of the Wall Street Exchange; the patient waiting for the coming of Gen. Butler from Washington; the thrilling effect of his arrival; his heart-broken greeting to his friends, "Gentlemen, he died in the fullness of his fame!" "when his lips quivered and the tears ran fast down his cheeks;" the speeches of Butler and others from the balcony of the Exchange, and the frenzy of the crowd at these speeches. The eyewitness continues:

By this time the wave of popular indignation had swelled to its crest. Two men lay bleeding on one of the side streets; the one dead, the other next to dying; one on the pavement, the other in the gutter. They had said a moment before: "Lincoln ought to have been shot long ago!" They were not allowed to say it again. Soon two long pieces of scantling stood out above the heads of the crowd, crossed at the top like the letter X, and a looped halter pendant from the junction, a dozen men following its slow motion through the masses, while "Vengeance" was the cry. On the right, suddenly, the shout rose, "The World!" "the World!" "the of fice of the World!" "World!" "World!" and a movement of perhaps eight thousand or ten thousand turning their faces in the direction of that building began to be executed. It was a critical moment. What might come no one could tell, did that crowd get in front of that office. Police and military would have availed little or been too late. A telegram