and, while it expresses the sentiment of the House in its main propositions, there are some points designed to antagonize with the President. It still lies over in the Senate, where it will be modified, if it passes at all.

The second is likewise from Washington.

WASHINGTON, D. C., January 1st, 1867.

I am less satisfied with the present aspect of public affairs than I have been for a long time. I find that many of the points and doctrines, both in general politics and finance, which I believe in and desire to see prevail, are meeting with more opposition than heretofore, and are in imminent danger of being overborne by popular clamor and political passion. In reference to reconstruction, I feel that if the Southern States should adopt the Constitutional Amendments within a reasonable time, we are literally bound to admit them to representation; if they reject them, then I am in favor of striking for impartial suffrage, though I see that such a course is beset with grave dangers. Now Congress seems determined to rush forward without waiting even for the action of the Southern States, thus giving the South the impression, and our political enemies at home a pretext for saying, that we were not in good faith when we offered the Constitutional Amendments. * * * Really, there seems to be a fear on the part of many of our friends that they may do some absurdly extravagant thing to prove their radicalism. I am trying to do two things: dare to be a radical and not be a fool, which, if I may judge by the exhibitions around me, is a matter of no small difficulty. I wish the South would adopt the Constitutional Amendments soon and in good temper. Perhaps they will. Next, the Supreme Court has decided the case I argued last winter, and the papers are insanely calling for the abolition of the court. * * * In reference to finance, I believe that the great remedy for our

* * *

BRAVING PUBLIC SENTIMENT.

285

ills is an early return to specie payments, which can only be effected by the contraction of our paper currency. There is a huge clamor against both and in favor of expansion. You know my views on the tariff. I am equally assaulted by the free-traders and by the extreme tariff men. There is passion enough in the country to run a steam-engine in every village, and a spirit of proscription which keeps pace with the passion. My own course is chosen, and it is quite probable it will throw me out of public life.

24*

CHAPTER XIX.

G

AN ORNAMENT OF CONGRESS.

ENERAL GARFIELD'S career in Con

gress was essentially one of work. His speeches, reports, resolutions, debates, etc., number hundreds. His powers as an orator will be mentioned in the next chapter. As a debater he had few equals. Producing always an overwhelming array of facts, he was a

"Tower of strength,

Which stands four square to all the winds that blow.!"

He was thorough in committee work, assiduous in private study of pending questions, and able in debate-by no means a common combination of qualities. He interested himself in subjects of great importance to the public, such as the census, education, scientific surveys, and the life-saving service. As the Republican leader in the House, he was more conservative than Blaine; and his judicial turn of mind, leading him to look at both sides of a question, always relieved him of the charge of partisanship. When the issue fairly touched his convictions, however, he became thoroughly aroused and struck tremendous blows. Blaine's tactics were to harass the enemy continually by sharp-shooting, surprises and picket-firing.

CHARACTERISTICS IN CONGRESS.

237

Garfield always waited for an opportunity for a pitched battle; and his generalship was shown to best advantage, when the fight was a fair one, and waged on ground, where each party thought itself the stronger. Then his solid shot of argument was exceedingly effective. He always took a genuine pride in the historical achievements of the Republican party, with which he was identified from its birth. He had a traditional leaning toward all measures for the advantage of the freedmen or for curtailing the influence of the party, which he held responsible for the Rebellion. Nevertheless, he was by no means deficient in generous impulses toward the South; and more than once he exerted his influence to prevent the passage of rash partisan legislation against the interests of that section. The "Confederate Brigadiers" in Congress found him a determined but chivalrous adversary; but he never stooped to take unfair advantage of the numerical preponderance of his party. As leader of a Republican minority in the House of Representatives, he knew how to reconcile party-fealty with a conciliatory disposition toward the party in power, and was not unduly obtrusive of legislation, which did not, in his opinion, transcend the fair limits of party predominance. He was in all things a calm, courteous, determined leader of men,

"rich in saving common sense,

And, as the wisest only are,

In his simplicity sublime."

T

He was not a practical politician, knowing little about the machinery of caucuses and conventions or the methods of conducting close campaigns. As a politician in the larger and better sense of shaping the policy of a great party, however, he had few equals. To no man is the Republican party more indebted for its successes in recent years than to James A. Garfield.

With the single exception of 1867, when he spent several weeks in Europe, for a time in company with Senators Blaine and Morrill, he worked hard on the stump for the Republican party in every campaign after entering Congress. He was one of the best stump-orators of his party. He had a good voice, evident sincerity, great clearness and vigor of statement, and a way of knitting his arguments together, so as to make a speech deepen its impression on the mind of the hearer, until the climax clinched the argument forever. During his last ten years, his services were in demand in all parts of the country. He usually reserved half of his time for the Ohio canvas, and gave the other half to other States. The November elections found him worn and haggard with travel and speaking in the open air; but his constitution was so robust, that, after a few weeks of rest on his farm, he always appeared in Washington refreshed, and ready for his duties.

A mind so prone as his to look philosophically into his surroundings could not fail to have studied