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AT LAST WE ARE INDEPENDENT!' While San Martin was hailed as the genius of the revolution." pp. 224-26.

The Commissioners remained at Buenos Ayres till the latter end of April, and then took their departure on board the Congress. After touching at St. Salvador, they anchored off the island of Margaritta. Here they went on shore, and near the town of Assumption, which is some miles in the interior, were shewn the valley where Morillo had been defeated, with the loss of fifteen hundred men. When we consider,' says our Author, that this victory was achieved by peasants, the greater part of 'whom were armed only with stones, it deserves to rank with 'those of the days of William Tell.' They paid a visit to the governor, Gomes, a kind of Indian, about seven feet high;' and some of the party accepted an invitation to dine with general Arismendi. The next morning they returned on board the Congress.

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We have had occasion to advert to the flippancy, the consequential tone, and the republican slang into which Mr. Brackenridge has sometimes fallen. It is but just to bear in mind, that he is an American, writing for the American public. He is very evidently a young man, and an intelligent young man; but his studies have been confined, we suspect, to a limited circle, and he has unhappily received, like most of his countrymen, the infection of the shallow vulgar philosophy of the American oracle, Tom Paine. We respect his love for his country, but regret that it should assume at times, so braggart, and intolerant, and offensive a character. Whether self-conceit is the root or the offspring of that nationality in which our Author glories as the distinguishing characteristic of his countrymen, it appears to be so intimately blended with it as to make even their patriotism seem ridiculous. The reiteration of tirades against kings and nobles, looks like the operation of a sore feeling which philosophical republicans should think it beneath them to betray. Why can they not be happy without boasting so continually of their happiness? Mr. Brackenridge can at times write much more sensibly; and had he observed a little more method, a little more conciseness, and a little more modesty in that portion of the volumes before us in which he has displayed his authorship, we should have been able without qualification to recommend them to the attention of such readers as are desirous of becoming better acquainted with South American affairs. The following remarks do him credit.

I have frequently repeated, that it would be folly to look here for a state of things any way approaching that of the United States, in correct practical ideas of civil liberty. The government is not to be compared with ours or that of Great Britain, as to the security of personal rights, and the impartial administration of the laws. A com

parison may be drawn with that of ancient Greece or Rome, with Switzerland, Holland, or with the Italian states. France was never more despotically ruled than under the reign of the jacobins and we have too many false brethren of the republican party, who in heart and spirit are jacobins; who delight in mean detraction and slander of those above them in worth and merit, and yet prove the worst of tyrants, if by chance they find themselves clothed with authority." Vol. II. p. 205.

I was not disappointed in the progress made here since the revolution. To criticise their institutions as though they were of some of our neighbouring territories, shows a most pitiful narrowness of mind. To look here for liberty with all its proper guards, at a season like the present, is childish, and more especially, if some particular spot of the earth, be selected as the model by which to try their institutions. The manners, habits, and previous education of a people are to be considered, and until these are changed, nothing can be said to be changed; for in spite of the visionary projects of paper constitution men, no matter what form be adopted, or what it may be called, despotism will still have sway and break any restraint attempted to be imposed on it. The forms of free government will only be so far operative as the people are fitted for freedom, and if they are fitted for a government in some measure free, its adoption will in time fit them for one still more free. Such is the present state of Buenos Ayres; their present constitution is even more free in theory than in practice, and why? Because the great body of the people are indifferent about the details of government. They have been accustomed to be ruled by men, and they have not yet learned that reverence is alone due to the laws. In our country I would ask, if there be not such shades of difference in the character of the different states, as unavoidably to produce a variety in the state constitutions? Would the constitution of Massachusetts and Virginia, suit every other state in the union? They certainly would not. Why then must we insist on the South Americans establishing a government precisely like ours, before we can extend to them our friendship? They must form their goverments as they build their houses; with the materials they have at hand. There is no doubt it will be essentially republican, but will also differ considerably from ours." p. 206, 7.

The downfall of Napoleon had a most happy effect on political opinion in South America, as well as over the whole of the civilized world. This effect was to bring the solid pyramid of republicanism into higher repute. The splendid monarchy established by this man, seemed to deride the poverty and plainness of popular government; but its fall clearly proved that monarchs are much more easily overturned than nations. The European sovereigns, by shewing that, the mightiest throne which ever existed, could be overturned, did much more in favour of republicanism, than our example or principles. Since that time, the nations of Europe have regarded our institutions with a degree of admiration which before they did not feel; and if in South America, there had been any intention to follow the

example of the French in the result of their revolution, it was completely changed by the overthrow of Napoleon. It is since that time that republicanism has been in all minds inseparably connected with the establishment of new governments, even in countries whose habits were previously monarchical.' pp. 208, 9.

Art. VI. Discourses on the Three Creeds, and on the Homage offered to our Saviour, on certain and particular Occasions during his Ministry, as expressed in the Evangelical Writings, by the Greek term ПPOKYNES, preached before the University of Oxford, at St. Mary's, in the Years 1816, 1817. With a copious and distinct Appendix to each Set of Sermons. By Edward Nares, D.D. 8vo. pp. 343. Price 10s. 6d. London. 1819.

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HE proper title for these Discourses on the Three Creeds, would seem to be, An Apology for the Creed of St. • Athanasius as embodied in the Formularies of the Church of England,' it being the object of the Author to offer a justification in particular of that religious symbol. Great pains are taken, and much nicety of discussion is employed by him in the prosecution of his purpose; but, after all the labour he has bestowed, he entirely fails to make out a satisfactory case: the Athanasian Creed will still be a stumbling block to the members of the Episcopal Church, and will still furnish to its opponents one substantial reason for declining its communion.

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The recent declaration of the Earl of Carnarvon in Parliament, in the case of the Rev. Pike Jones, in reference to some alleged impropriety on the part of his Diocesan the Bishop of Exeter, will be in the recollection of our readers. As to the 'damnatory clauses of the Athanasian Creed,' said his Lordship, he had not heard even the right reverend bishop himself say, that he approved of them. If he did approve of them, though perhaps he might think himself a good member of the Church of England, he would say that he was not a Christian.' The sentiment of the noble Earl, divested of its direct personal application, has, it is well known, been the opinion of many religious persons; and something of the feeling which such opinion imports, has been strongly exhibited by some of the mitred clergy of the English Church, who, disliking the Athanasian Creed, would have congratulated themselves on being well rid of it.' And certainly, a Christian may well wish to be rid of a human creed which sentences to eternal 'perdition all those who do not hold and profess the doctrines 'inculcated' in it. To attach the sentence of everlasting damnation to a series of propositions set down by some unknown theologian, as being incurred by every individual who withholds assent from them in their principles and modes of expression, savours not less of impiety than of intolerance. To

Dr. Nares, however, there appears to be nothing of either impiety or intolerance in the damnatory clauses of the Athanasian Creed; and it may surprise some of our readers to learn that, in his judgement, all that has been alledged against this Creed, or, at all events, whatever has been alleged against the Church upon its account, have arisen totally and entirely 'from mistake." That mistake should still exist on a subject. so frequently and so minutely brought under discussion and examined in all its bearings as this, will be thought a hazardous assertion. The abettors and the oppugners of the Creed have again and again exhibited the strength and weakness of the whole question till it has become an exhausted argument; so that if misconception is now to be assumed as the manner of accounting for the resistance of the opposers of this particular formulary, it cannot but occasion surprise that the grounds of it have not been discovered and removed by some one or other of the numerous and able writers who have wielded their pens in the controversy relating to subscription to the religious formularies of the Church of England. If data necessary to the complete elucidation of the whole subject had now been obtained from sources unknown to preceding controvertists, mistake might seem to be assignable as a reasonable cause of dissent and hostility in the opposers of the Creed. This, however, is not the fact, and therefore it may be presumed that the allegations against the Creed, or against the Church ' upon its account,' have not arisen totally and entirely from 'mistake.'

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In this defence of the Athanasian Creed, a just and proper consideration of certain historical circumstances' connected with it, is proposed as the method of making out its sufficient vindication. Those historical circumstances, however, after the fullest and fairest consideration of them, will, we apprehend, leave the Creed and the Church precisely in the same condition in which the considerer found them: they relieve none of the difficulties which they are supposed to remove.

It is something,' says Dr. Nares, to know that there is a history belonging to the three Creeds, distinct from all ⚫ consideration of their contents.' But in what sense can it be said that there is a history of documents the origin, and age, and authors of which are altogether unknown? This is undeniably the case as it respects both the Athanasian and that which is commonly called the Apostle's Creed. Who is their author? When were they composed? On what occasion were they written?-are questions to which no definite answer can be given. Instead, therefore, of presenting his readers with the sentences from Ludolphus of Saxony and Alexander de Ales, (pp. 8, 9.) as being historical description, Dr. Nares VOL. XIV. N.S.

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should have quoted them as containing the opinion of those writers for it is only opinion and hypothesis, that the 'first or Apostle's Creed, is a mere exposition or statement of the primary articles of Christian faith; the second, or Nicene, a brief explanation of some of those articles; and the third, or Athanasian, a defence of the several articles from the 'misconstructions and forced interpretations of certain sects and parties.' The Nicene Creed is as much a defence of the several articles, as is the Athanasian; and the Athanasian is as evidently an explanation of some of those articles as is the Nicene. As such, it was adopted by the Romish Church, whence it was taken into the formularies of the Church of England. The following remark is wholly unworthy of any other writer than a prejudiced and determined partizan.

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Whosoever will be saved (or as it runs in Latin, in which it was originally written, and not in Greek, as is commonly supposed, "Qui"cunque vult salvus esse") before all things it is necessary that he "hold the catholic faith:" we must be careful not to stumble upon the word catholic-universalis is its proper interpretation, and universalis must mean not what every one actually believes, much less what any particular church believes, but what every one is bound to believe, if it can but be proved to be the undoubted gospel and word of God.'

The subscription required of the clergy of the Church of England, the assent and consent which they give, is to the Three Creeds as they are contained in the Book of Common Prayer; it would, therefore, be of no consequence whatever what may be the import of the Latin terms, salvus esse and universalis, were they even different in meaning from the English words, be saved' and catholic' faith, which they clearly are not. No one would for a moment imagine that universalis means what every one actually believes; but every person must perceive that the Athanasian Creed contains a definition of doctrines which, as they are defined by its exclusive and particular terms, are the Catholic faith, which unless every one do keep whole and undefiled,' it declares, without doubt he shall perish everlastingly.' The anathema which it denounces, is attached to every person who does not receive its exclusive dogmata as it has defined them. And how does Dr. Nares attempt to justify this intolerant and shocking anathema? By a process the most extraordinary,-by a method which includes the veriest sophism that was ever applied to sanction a theological dogma: Those who are through any misfortune actually blind to the great truths displayed in Christ's Gospel, will be ex'cused for their ignorance; but those who pretend to see, must be circumspect, for sin will lie at their door if they be not careful both to believe what is actually there revealed, and

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