views. The object was stated in the prospectus to be: "To put into practice, on a voluntary basis, and under the most favourable conditions available, that form of industrial association which will secure justice to all." The preamble of another document runs thus: "Whereas it is desirable that good actual proof shall be given that, under conditions which render it impossible for one to tyrannize over another . . . men can live in comfort, happiness, and orderliness unknown" in the present state of society, therefore this new venture was founded. The rules provided ownership by the community of all the instruments of production and exchange, and maintenance of all children by the State. "Division of

wealth-production among all adult members without regard to sex, age, office, or physical or mental capacity." The little commonwealth was to be governed by a director and superintendents; regulations (or laws) to be annually submitted for reconsideration. "Religion not to be officially recognised by the community." Among the conditions of membership was the following: "Every member to agree to subscribe to the common fund of the association all he possesses, except personal effects, and to migrate to the land selected by the association, there to devote all his energies to the success of the settlement, and to showing the world that, under fair conditions, even workers can live a life worth living." "Each for all, all for each " was the motto on the cards of membership. Hopeful accounts of the new venture appeared in the London press.

Some six hundred persons joined, from all the colonies, and two shiploads were despatched to South America. All were necessarily persons of a little means -£60 at least had to be paid down-and were also possessed of energy; and not a few were, as far as I could learn, impelled by enthusiasm for the social ideals now scattered, both by novels and by graver works, throughout the world, and fully believed that those ideals were sound and capable of being readily realized. They hoped to demonstrate their value in practice, and

to enjoy the promised ease and plenty in a new land and under new social conditions. The leaders of the movement were practically self-appointed, but each squad of workers elected their foreman. As is known, dissensions soon broke out, and the Sydney Government was appealed to to bring the people back. I met one of the members as he was returning to Australia. He was an intelligent man, with an evident bent towards enthusiasm, at least that sort of enthusiasm which expends so much fervour upon public matters that it has little left for home use. He stated that he had lost in cash £143, together with all his effects, and he was full of grievances concerning the management of the venture. He had told them they might take his tent for the general use, but no other things of his stock; but they seized everything. Also he brought more serious accusations against the probity of the management, which subsequent information led me to think unjust. But, notwithstanding all, he still declared his faith in the principle of such a social settlement to be unshaken. Had he money, he would join another.

I.-How would you arrange as to the sort of work and the hours for each?

He. Quite easily. Every little group would elect its foreman, every man and every woman voting, and he would appoint the job to each. If we did not like him we would change him. And we would not be like a lot of loafers; we all had something to lose.

While listening to his narrative I had recalled to my mind the remarks upon this subject of one of the ancient masters of the political science-if I may be excused for invoking an old authority upon what many consider as novelties peculiar to our age. He says that the evils we complain of "arise not from properties being private, but from the imperfection of mankind; for we see those who live in one community and have all things in common disputing with each other oftener than those who have their property separate."

I mention this venture only as one more instance added to many previous ones, of the difficulty of voluntary Socialism, and particularly in communities such as ours, where all enjoy so high a standard of personal freedom. In such communities people are taken with fancy sketches of the co-operative commonwealth, but when it comes down to fact, they realize. that there are none who love liberty so much that they don't want to impose their will upon others; they find restraints by their fellows more irksome than if fixed by a power high above them all, and at once their love of independence asserts itself. It must not be supposed that I cite this instance as a proof that the complete. "scientific" Socialism advocated now would also break up when tried. That Socialism is avowedly based upon force of law. The true Socialist looks with contempt upon these voluntary efforts. He gives them no countenance, because they discredit his ideal, which is a state of things to be established by law, and to which people must submit. In 1893, in England, some Socialists propounded a scheme not unlike that of "New Australia," to be tried in England itself, as "the easiest way to Socialism," hoping that, if once it were started, it "would attract continuously a larger and ever larger proportion of the nation and more and more skilled workers, until well-nigh all the industry and commerce of the country were absorbed into it." But the leaders of the cause knew well where voluntaryism would land them, and accordingly scouted the proposal; one of the most thoughtful of them (Mr. Sidney Webb) truly declaring, in a lecture which he gave upon the subject, that "To suppose that the industrial affairs of a complicated industrial state can be run without strict subordination and discipline, without obedience to orders and without definite allowances for maintenance, is to dream, not of Socialism, but of Anarchism." Discontent still would doubtless be there; that is only human nature under any system, but not the freedom to indulge it that the settlers in New Australia claimed.

I mention this because many whom I subsequently met on my journeys appeared to assume that they could have the Socialist State and also the personal freedom that they now enjoy. So far no outcome has been found for the difficulty of industrial government under it. If the workers elect their master, there will be no discipline; if he is imposed upon them by authority, there is no freedom.

CHAPTER II.

THE PACIFIC, FIJI, AND HONOLULU.

Arewa, Captain
We were to call

WE left Sydney by the steamer Stewart, on our way to Vancouver. at Suva, the capital of Fiji, and at Honolulu, that of the Sandwich Islands, and would thus see some quite new forms of human life and social state, which, savage or half-civilised though they be, yet give the political traveller subject for thought. Nothing can be pleasanter than voyaging in the Pacific at this season. Sea, sky, atmosphere, have all the clearness and brightness of the best days in the Mediterranean.

We were fortunate in having on board a wellinformed gentleman who had long been resident in New Zealand, and whose opinions upon social matters possessed the more interest, as, though a close observer of all social questions, he was not himself a politician. I had many interesting discussions with him. As the reader may possibly be aware, New Zealand is the community that has distanced all others over the world in the race towards State Socialism. This has not been brought to pass by the presence in their midst of that sordid poverty that in older lands makes, and indeed excusably makes, humanity long for any change. On the contrary, their country was equally blessed by the bounty of nature and in having a good sound stock of early settlers. Jay Goulds, Fisks, Vanderbilts, were unknown among them, while the middle class was so large and