Such a fund of republicanism, as was, by these means infused into Pennsylvania, could not fail to. operate favorably for the republican candidate, chief justice M'Kean; and he was, consequently, elected governor in preference to Mr. Ross; and the same causes, aided by Callender's Prospect before us, that chef d'auvre of civic piety, operating in the same direction throughout the union, not long after, invested Mr. Jefferson with the presidency. Summoque ulularunt vertice nympho.* Ye who have genius for the epic, employ your talents here! one entire action of twelve years successfully terminated at last, not by ruffians stained with blood, but by meek and gentle operators in the "swindling arena." Such a result was to have been looked for. The morbid state of the public mind, was, I repeat it, to have been deduced from the very addresses to the president, which have been considered as indicative of a manly, patriotic vigor. They will on the contrary (at least it was the impression made upon me at the time of their appearance) be too generally found to breathe a spirit of bigotry; not a generous love of country, not an adequate horror of vice, not a proper understanding of the subject, but rather a whining lamentation, that the conduct of the directory, so little fraternal, had a tendency to impede and interrupt the glorious career of illuminatism and kingly demolition. This was evidently perceived and felt by Mr. Adams; and was, doubtless his inducement for complimenting the Harrisburgh address, whose merit, if it had any, was, that it cut deeper and approached nearer to the source of the evil than the general tenor of the addresses had done. X Let us love our country, let us cherish our instituti ons, and check their tendency to corruption and abuse; but let us no more think of cutting the throats of those who may differ from us in their civil polity, Nymphoe, by some of Virgil's commentators, are here understood to mean Furies, and may easily be extended to the Furies of Jacobinism Which, no doubt, how led in exultation upon this occasion, than of those who differ from us in their religious creed. Should we not look with something more than pity on the fanatic, who should languish to kill the pope, to exterminate the cardinals, and annihilate the holy see? What then but an equally silly spirit of fanaticism, can induce us to sigh for the regeneration of Europe in the extinciion of her kings. and privileged orders! Does any one now suppose that it would meliorate the condition of mankind? But the symptoms of this most loathsome mental distemper, were never more manifest than shortly before the downfal of federalism, when the gallant Truxtun, for an achievement that redounded to his country's glory, and for which he should have received her unqualified, warmest applause, was assailed with brutal rage and called a ruffian and a murderer. Could any thing more clearly demonstrate, that love of country was swallowed up in a rage for political theory? By this memorable victory of Pennsylvania democracy for the behoof of Virginia aristocracy, occasion is afforded for much serious reflection on the sad effects of party fury; and giving the reign to those vindictive passions, which arise from selfishness opposed. No man, perhaps, ever more fatally and intemperately rioted in their indulgence than Mr. M'Kean. But the affair is old, and I am little disposed to renew it. As keenly sensible to injury as any one, I have felt with poignancy, and given vent to my indignation; but it is neither for my reputation nor my repose, to cherish feelings which deform the outward man, and prey upon the breast which harbors them. I shall be cold, therefore, upon a subject, wherein warmth and even acrimony might, be justified. From the account I have given of my political opinions, it can scarcely be necessary to say, that my vote was on the federal side, and given for Mr. Ross and that I was of course involved in the proscription shat followed the defeat of my party. In a word, was one of those, who were loaded with reproach and detruded from office, as men unworthy to partake of the honors, or even to eat the bread of their country. The extent of my offending, the reader is acquainted with. It was the crime of my party in being prematurely right; in daring to be wiser than the great body of the people. Why then did I not play the dotard with my country? Why did I not sigh for fraternity with France, unconscious of the peril that awaited it ? I swear 'tis better to be much abus'd, If I unfortunately thought differently from Mr. M Kean on the highly interesting subject of Gallic repubficanism, and, in so doing apostatized from my former whigism, I can only say, I could not help it. That I did not forego my opinion when I found it repugnant to his, is not a matter of so easy extrication. I was contumacious, I know I was. But my conscience is satisfied; rnd that I never shouted in the sanguinary triumphs of the jacobins, will, though it has made me poorer, bring consolation along with it, in the close of a life, which, in all other respects I could wish, had been equally blameless. An early enthusiast in a most unfashionable cause, Some sign to me unknown Dipp'd me in ink, my parents or my own; even before my sentiments could be relished by the generality of the party to which I belonged; and while, from their novelty, they were so shocking to others, as to draw into question the sanity of my intellects. I had even ventured to shed a tear for the fate of Louis and his family; I had presumed to doubt the wisdom of Brissot, and to arraign the humanity of Robespierre, long before the guillotine had granted toleration for these opinions. But independent of so much heterodoxy, my simple vote had been sufficient for the punishment that ensued; since the possessions of the vanquished, were, in the true spirit of the feudal system, to be parcelled out among the champions of the victorious leader. This, without doubt, was a mutual preliminary to a partnership in the war; and as among the holders of office, in the apologetic naiveté of Mr. Jefferson, "few died and none resigned," what was left but to cashier them? I forbear to reiterate here, the stale remark that the free, unbiassed suffrage of the citizens, is the basis of the republican form of government. Maxims have their use, but must be wholly disregarded in extreme cases; as, in England, the Habeas Corpus act. Republicanism herself, was here in danger. Was not a band of conspirators, with Washington at their head, in the very act of establishing a monarchy under the insidious mask of federalism ?* A man desirous to know the world ought to place himself in every situation to which the vicissitudes of life, may expose him. Above all he should be acquainted with adversity, and that particular kind of it, which results from a sudden reverse of fortune. But to see the heart of man, in that most unfavora ble point of view, in which, the milk of human kindness is turned to gall and bitterness, he should bchold it when elate with a "republican triumph." It has twice been my lot to smart under the hand of oppression. I have been exposed to the fury both of royal and republican vengeance; and unless I may be misled by the greater recency of the latter, I am compelled to say, that the first, though bad, was most mitigated by instances of generosity. If it produced the enomities the reader has been made ac This apostacy to monarchy, was inferred from president Washington's ot joining the French against England; but now when Spain is contending for her rights and liberties, the Jeffersonians can make common cause with her perfidious oppressor without danger of any such deduction or imputation. Their incorruptible republicanism can even take the fra ternal hug with an emperor without the smallest suspicion of contami pation. Hh quainted with, the other was ruthless enough to rejoice at the sight of helpless families, at once reduced to indigence, stripped of their subsistence, driven from their homes, and sent to seek their bread by toiling in a wilderness. This is no exaggerated picture; I saw the reality and felt it too, in the case of a near connexion. And for what crime was it the punishment? For embracing the policy of Washington; for being true to the dictates of honesty; to the interests of their country, to the intercts of humanity; for having larger hearts, and greater minds, and nobler souls than those, who, by the inscrutable will of Heaven, were permitted to be their chastisers. The death of the great father of his country, which happened between the election and the inauguration of the governor, afforded another instance of democratic versatility. He was publickly and pathetically lamented and extolled by the leaders of the party By Mr. M'Kean, while in the very act of chastising his followers; and by Mr. Jefferson while - contemplating a similar conduct. The latter, it is said, made a visit to his tomb, which he plenteously bedewed with tears, and groaned aloud with every gesture of the deepest woe. Achilles himself was not more inconsolable for the loss of his Patroclus and even in the sacrifice of twelve young Trojans to his manes, he was far outdone by this illustrious modern mourner, with the remarkable difference, however, that whereas the one made victims of the enemies, the other selected for immo lation, the friends of the lamented dead. Utcumque ferent ea facta minores ; Vincet amor patriæ, laudumque immensa cupido» In the election of Mr. Jefferson the long and per severing efforts of democracy had obtained their ul▪ timatum; the beginning of that millenium that had been so anxiously sighed for. With this propitious |