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belonging only to divinity; nor, again, would he have it said that he required its attendance at his summons. He never entered the Curia with an escort of guards, or even of unarmed dependents, and rebuked provincial governors for addressing their despatches to himself, and not always to the senate.1 His own communications to the august order were conceived in a tone of the deepest respect and even subservience. I now say, he would declare, as I have often said before, that a good and useful prince should be the servant of the senate, and the people generally, sometimes of individual magistrates. Such was his demeanour almost uniformly throughout the first years of his government; it was only late, and by degrees, that he drew forth the arm of power from the folds of this specious disguise, and exhibited the Princeps to the citizens in the fulness of his now established authority. But even to the last, though capricious and irregular in his behaviour, we are assured that his manner was most commonly marked by this air of deference, and the public weal continued still to be manifestly the ruling object of his measures.2

We have here before us the picture of a good sovereign but not of an amiable man. Had Tibe

CHAP.
XLIV.

The pro

mise of

his reign marred by defects of

demeanour.

rius been so fortunate as to have died at the close of a ten years' principate, he would have left an temper and honourable though not an attractive name in the annals of Rome: he would have represented the

Suet. Tib. 27. 30. 32.

2 Suet. Tib. 29. 33 Paulatim Principem exseruit, præstititque: et si varium diu, commodiorem tamen sæpius et ad utilitates publicas proniorem.

CHAP. XLIV.

Cato Censor of the empire, by the side of the Scipio
of Augustus and the Camillus of Cæsar. The stern-
ness and even cruelty he had so often exhibited
would have gained him no discredit with the Ro-
mans, so long as they were exerted against public
offenders for the common weal, and for no selfish
objects. Even the suspicion which from the first
attached to him of having procured the death of
Agrippa was probably little regarded: the exile of
Augustus was already branded as a monstrous pro-
duction of nature which ought never to have been
reared, and might with little blame to any be
be got rid
of. But as the fine and interesting features of his
person were marred by a constrained and un-
pleasing mien and expression, so his patience, indus-
try, and discretion were disparaged by a perverse
temper, a crooked policy and an uneasy sensibility.
The manners of the man, the martinet in the camp,
the officialist in the closet, the pedant in the senate-
house, carried with them no charm, and emitted
no scintillation of genius to kindle the sympathies
of the nation. The Princeps, from his invidious
and questionable position, if once he failed to
attract, could only repel the inclinations of his
subjects. If once they ceased to ascribe to him
their blessings, they would begin without delay
to cast upon his head all their misfortunes. The
mystery of the death of Germanicus threw a blight
upon the fame of Tiberius from which he never
again recovered. From that moment his country-
men judged him without discrimination, and sen-
tenced him without compunction. The suspicion
of his machinations against Germanicus, unproved

and improbable as they really were, kindled their imaginations to feelings of disgust and horror, which neither personal debauchery, nor the persecution of knights and nobles, would alone have sufficed to engender.1

1 Tacitus, we have seen, had special inducements to do less than justice to Tiberius; nevertheless, his account of the tyrant is not on the whole inconsistent. But there is no part of Dion's history in which he fails so much as in his delineation of this Cæsar's character. It is a mere jumble of good and bad actions, for which the writer sometimes apologizes, and insinuates as his excuse that the author of them was mad. The stories, however, themselves are often extravagant and puerile. Such, for instance, is that of the architect, who, being sentenced to banishment by Tiberius from mere spite, because he had performed the wonderful feat of straightening an inclined wall, in order to ingratiate himself with the tyrant, threw a glass vessel to the ground, picked up the fragments, and set them together again, whereupon he was immediately put to death, as too clever to be suffered to live. (Dion, lvii. 21.) There is something Oriental in the turn which the fancy of Dion not unfrequently takes.

CHAP.

XLIV.

CHAPTER XLV.

CHAP.
XLV.

A. D. 21.
A. U. 747.

Comparison
between
Augustus
and Tibe-

rius: the man of genius and the man of ability.

COMPARISON BETWEEN

AUGUSTUS AND TIBERIUS.

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SEJANUS

DISTURBANCES IN

USEFUL WITHOUT BEING FORMIDABLE.
AFRICA AND REVOLT IN GAUL.-OVERTHROW OF SACROVIR
THE TRIBUNITIAN POWER CONFERRED UPON

(A. U. 774.).
DRUSUS (A. U. 775.). — INTRIGUES OF SEJANUS: ESTABLISH-

MENT OF THE PRÆTORIAN CAMP.

- DRUSUS POISONED BY

SEJANUS (A. U. 776.).—DETERIORATION OF THE PRINCIPATE

OF TIBERIUS. DEATH OF CREMUTIUS CORDUS AND OTHERS.
SEJANUS DEMANDS THE HAND OF LIVILLA, AND IS REFUSED
BY TIBERIUS.-HE CONCEIVES THE PROJECT OF WITHDRAWING
TIBERIUS FROM ROME. -RETIREMENT OF TIBERIUS TO CAPREÆ
FURTHER DE-

(A. U. 780.). - HIS MANNER OF LIFE THERE.

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TERIORATION OF HIS GOVERNMENT.-DEATH OF THE YOUNGER

JULIA AND OF THE EMPRESS LIVIA (A. U. 782.). (a. u. 774— 782. A.D. 21-29.)

I HAVE described the rise and progress of Tiberius to a distinguished eminence among Roman statesmen I have now to introduce the reader to the decline and fall of his well-earned reputation. The ruin of so fair a character, and the frustration of such respectable abilities and virtues was not the work of a day, nor the effect of any single crime or failure. The temper of the times and the circumstances of his position presented the most formidable obstacles to a sustained good government, which the Romans had not perhaps the patriotism to appreciate or support. But the honourable ambition of the second Princeps to see

СПАР.

XLV.

everything with his own eyes, and execute everything with his own hands, was in fact itself suicidal. Augustus, with the Roman world exhausted and A. D. 21. prostrate at his feet, craving only to be moulded A.U. 774. by his policy and informed with inspiration from his mouth, had accustomed himself from the first to act by able and trusty ministers. He was wisely content to see many things with the eyes of a Mæcenas, to act in many things with the hands of an Agrippa. His bravest auxiliary he ventured generously to connect with himself by the bonds. of a family alliance. At a later period he educated the members of his own house to relieve him, one after another, of some of the functions of his station. Tiberius he associated with himself on terms of almost complete equality. But Augustus was a man of genius: he was the soul of the Roman empire: fame, fortune, and conscious ability had inspired him with unwavering self-reliance. It was impossible for his successor, bred in the sphere of an adjutant or an official, to have the same lofty confidence in himself, and to discard with a contemptuous smile the suggestions of every vulgar jealousy. Tiberius, thoroughly trained in the routine of business, might believe himself competent to the task of government; he might devote himself with intense and restless application to every detail of the public service, and struggle with the rising tide of circumstances with desperate and even gallant perseverance. But he was animated by no inward consciousness of power, and when he felt himself overwhelmed by the odds against him, he could not look around serenely

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