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ART. V. Memoirs of the Revolution; or, an Apology for my Con duct, in the public Employments which I have held. By D. J. Garat, late Minister of Justice, &c. in the Service of the French Republic. Translated from the French by R. Heron. Svo. pp 280. 5s. Boards. Johnson. 1797

the original of these memoirs, an attentive account was given in our xixth vol. N. S. p. 552; and it is singular that so valuable, so authentic, and so well-written a narrative of some of the most stormy scenes of the French Revolution should so long have escaped translation. Another extract or two, in addition to those which we formerly gave, will more strongly evince its merit and its interest:

Both Robespierre and Salles were subject to the ascendency of that atrabilarious temperament, which proves the torment of those in whom it prevails, and from which have, in all ages, arisen those storms which have tempested the moral world. Minds of this cast can never leave mankind at peace, till they have fettered them in the chains of some gloomy superstition, or under the restraints of a logic rigorously accurate and severe. They always are, either fools or scoundrels, saints or eminent philosophers.

In ages which derive their predominant character from the prevalence of religion, it often happens to such men, that after committing some crime, which they cannot recollect without horror, they hide themselves, for the rest of life, in deserts, and in caverns, while shrinking imagination continually pictures before them, the fathomless abyss, and the lurid fires of hell. The cloisters, which have received many men of this character, have been highly beneficial to the world.

In ages of philosophy, they devote themselves to philosophy with a superstitious zeal: they carry their abstraction and reasonings to an extraordinary pitch. But, their reasonings are often sophisti cated in their sensations, the very sources of reason. When the bent of their minds is directed towards objects in regard to which their sensations cannot be depraved; then they discover all the energy and perspicacity of genius. As to other matters, they rave by rule, and without affording any prospect of their ever coming to think soberly about them.

I should not be surprised to learn, that Robespierre was not without some religion. But, never man, who knew to write with such propriety and elegance, was so utterly a stranger to sound logic. His best reasons at all times were his suspicions.

• When I, one day, begged to reflect upon some things which I had stated to him, and which might have saved him from all those crimes, which brought so many others, and himself at last, to the block; he answered me in these very words; I have no need for reflection; I trust always to my first impressions. With such a complexion of mind, and amid that current of events in which he was involved, his first impressions were always impressions of hatred, suspicion, ter

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ror, pride, and revenge. Hence the origin of those crimes which deluged the republic with the blood of its citizens; for those crimes were not the results of any settled plan of tyranny, which a man, who descended, step by step, into the most execrable depth of wickedness, could never have had sufficient greatness of mind even to conceive. This character of his, and the fate to which it conducted him, present that very example, and that very lesson, of which we stand the most in need. No, Robespierre never had a wish to abolish the Re public; but he deformed it with crimes, and deluged it with blood, and fancied that, in so doing, he was calling forth and invigorating its strength, and advancing its prosperity. He was not an ambitious tyrant, but a ferocious monster. Athens, till it received the yoke of Philip, escaped the domination of tyrants, yet suffered almost without intermission, all the worst evils of tyranny, from the savage or giddy passions of its citizens. I repeat, that this is the lesson of which, above all others, democracy stands peculiarly in need. By converting, in imagination, those instances of extravagant folly and guilt, which our fellow-republicans have exhibited, into projects and sytems of usurpation and tyranny; we should deprive ourselves of the only advantage that can be drawn from the disasters we have suffered.'

Of the Girondists, Garat appears to have been most intimate with Gensonné; whom, he avers, he thus warned of the critical state of Paris:

"You think yourself certain, that all France will rise and hasten to your defence. But, consider, that, even upon this supposition, your force is dispersed throughout all France, while that of your enemies is assembled in Paris. In an instant, they may strike a blow against you; but months would be requisite to enable you to collect your defenders. What! the Jacobins are against you; nay, the Community of Paris is against you; and yet would you, in Paris, engage in a combat with enemies who are all-powerful at the Jacobinclub, and in the community? Have you forgotten, that all sorts of force are in the Community's hands; and that, of its powers, it Owes several to yourselves. It was upon your motion, Gensonné, that the Legislative Assembly granted to the Community of Paris the power of arrest; and by the exercise of this terrible power, which it owes to yourself, it may at any time throw into prison, or absolutely overawe by terror, all who shall be inclined to prefer the right side to the left, Gensonné to Marat. The armed force of Paris is at the disposal of the Community; and being so, cannot be at the disposal of the Convention, will be infallibly against you, if you shall have recourse to force of arms, while you avoid referring to this last resource. those powers were bestowed to arm the Community against the King and royalty. Now, when the royalty exists no longer, with what degree of prudence can you leave the Community in possession of authority so enormous? Either withdraw from it those powers with which it has been imprudently invested; or, at least, be not so much more imprudent, and that with so much greater danger, as to give the alarm for battle to your enemies with whom it is in alliance. 9 What

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What meant you, what was it you actually did, when you carried Marat before the Revolutionary Tribunal? Your wish certainly was, to gain a triumph to justice and to the Republic: instead of this the event has been to both nothing but affliction and disgrace: Marat has gained the triumph. Be assured that the Republic, when exalted and established upon a firm basis, will not fail to efface, from the glorious list of her founders, those men who have sought to set her foundations upon atrocious crimes. At present, she has not energy sufficient to purify herself. Any attempts which you should make to precipitate this dangerous operation, would but tend to work her overthrow. Phocion was not less friendly than Demosthenes, to the glory and liberty of the Republic to which they belonged: He was much better qualified to lead its armies to victory: Yet he checked and restrained the ardour of the Athenians, when they were incessantly roused by Demosthenes, to declare war against Philip. Experience at last shewed which of the two, whether Phocion or Demosthenes, was in the right. The sages of Europe will no doubt discern your reasons for the conduct you observe towards legislators who are unworthy of sharing with you this glorious title: and they would assuredly blame you, if, by too great impatience to perform a few acts of national justice, you should bring the nation, and even justice itself, into danger. Cicero, whose name you often invoke, prosecuted Catiline and his accomplices, without relaxation, and without pity, till he had them put to death almost under his own eye. But, Catiline and his accomplices more than dishonoured the Republic: they conspired against it: Cicero had the proofs of their conspiracy in his hands. It became necessary either to put them to death, or to suffer them to massacre the senate, and burn a part of the city. But, mark with what prudence,-prudence which men of less sagacity would have thought weakness or cowardice,-the same Cicero acted in respect to his colleague in the consulate, a colleague whom he had procured for himself, although he knew him to be immoral, unprincipled, and in all respects more worthy of being the accomplice of Catiline, than the colleague of Cicero. Mark how, in order to lay asleep the more dangerous vices of that colleague, Cicero even flattered his ambition; -how this great man availed himself of the very vices of a beggar, accidentally exalted to the highest dignities, in order to make him, for a moment, a useful instrument in the service of the Republic.

"My dear Gensonné, here is the model of a statesman, in a man of genius and of virtue. We may talk in high-sounding phrases of the more inflexible virtue of Cato. But, there is nothing finer in writing than the periods of Cicero ; there was nothing more wise and beneficent in policy than his conduct. I am well pleased with any skilful attempts to imitate the glowing and passionate eloquence of Cicero: but I should wish also to see his prudent and able conduct carefully imitated. Consider, my friend, that the Republic of France has been produced previous to the virtues which are necessary to maintain its duration. Reflect, that as yet are have rather good principles, than actually good morals and manners, and that our principles are rather promulgated only than thoroughly known: think that, if war break out between the legislators who have levelled the throne, and

legislators

legislators who are more profoundly skilled in the theory of govern ment; then, in the present state of the public mind, ninety-nine hundredth parts of the nation will turn, not to the side of those who possess the most enlarged intelligence, but to the side of those whose arm has accomplished the mightiest effects. They may, perhaps, give you a day of tears and statues. But, if you enter voluntarily into contests, which, I think, you may avoid: they may then probably begin with bringing you to the scaffold. Consider that, in the Executive Coun~ cil, you have friends; and that you yet leave the Executive Council 2s powerless as if it were the Council of a Monarch: that, on the other hand, you have enemies in the Community, and yet leave the Community in possession of a force superior to all restraint, just as if there were still a king in Paris. When you manage matters so ill, it is a sort of madness to think that they can turn out, eventually, favourable for you."

It scarcely becomes us to speak of the character of the version, after having ourselves inserted, in our Review of the ori ginal, so many rival specimens: yet, to own the truth, we think Mr. Heron's performance a good one.

ART. VI. Calmet's great Dictionary of the Holy Bible: historical, critical, geographical, and etymological: Wherein are explained, all the proper Names in the Old and New Testament, of Men, Women, Cities, Countries, Rivers, Mountains, &c.; also most of the significant and remarkable Appellatives: With Accounts of the natural Productions, Animals, Vegetables, Minerals, Stones, Gems, &c. the Antiquities, Habits, Buildings, and other Curiosities of the Jews. With an ample Chronological Table of the History of the Bible, Jewish Calendar, Tables of the Hebrew Coins, Weights and Measures, reduced to our own, &c. &c. Revised, corrected, and augmented, with an entirely new Set of Plates, explanatory, illustrative, and ornamental; under the Direction of C. Taylor. 4to. In Monthly Nos. 1s. each, common Paper; and in Parts consisting of 3 Nos. on fine Paper *, at 5 s. Taylor, Hatton-Garden. 1797.

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HE name of Calmet is very well known in the learned world. He was of the order of benedictines, and passed a long life in incessant application to his studies. His mind was vigorous, and animated by the love of religion and virtue. With a zeal tempered by moderation, and a benevolent regard for the happiness of mankind, he devoted himself with uncommon ardour to the examination of the Holy Scriptures; and, as the fruits of his labours, he published, in the year 1707, a Commentary on all the books of the Old and New Testament, in 23 vols. 4to. This work contains a vast fund of deep and cu rious learning, but too multifarious, perhaps, to be always well

* The 1st and 2d parts are at this time before us.

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digested.-Rondet published an abridgment of this.commentary in 14 vols. 4to, by which he acquired a considerable degree of reputation; and the preface and dissertations of Calmet have been printed separately in 2 vols. 4to. Calmet also published, in the year 1730, a Dictionary of the Holy Bible, critical, geographical, &c. in 4 vols. folio, in which the most interesting and curious parts of the commentary are arranged in alphabetical order: this work is much celebrated for the many admirable elucidations which it contains of difficult passages in the Holy Scriptures, for beautiful delineations of Oriental manners, and for lively and entertaining histories extracted from authors little known even among the learned.

From this short account, it is evident that the Christian world is much obliged to the present editor; whose object is not only to give a translation of Calmet's Dictionary, but to make those additions which may be necessary, from the new lights thrown on Oriental history and manners, by our late voyage writers, and above all by Sir William Jones, and other gentlemen who have dev ted themselves to that kind of learning; omitting at the same time passages which may be offensive to Protestants, and retrenching some superfluities.. The introduction to the work is, in our opinion, sensible and judicious. We quote the following passage:

The Bible has this remarkable character belonging to it, its doctrines and its precepts are clear as light; open at once to the unprejudiced understanding; and approved at once by the unbiassed mind: even though delivered in distant ages of the world, by different persons, and on various occasions, its principles are wonderfully uniform and similar, wonderfully energetic and impressive. But though the character of its doctrines and precepts be clearness and plainness, yet we cannot be surprised if some of its historic relations, and accounts of local matters, should appear, in some degree, confused :—it certainly would be infinitely surprising if they were not so; especially when we reflect that many of them date very early, and some of them from the birth of time itself: The very antiquity of these may render them difficult to us of the present day, without any imputation on the original writer. Others refer to customs familiar to the people to whom they were addressed; but these may be obscure to us in England, though entirely free from obscurity to the inhabitants of the parts where their author wrote. Others refer to persons of whom it is necessary to know more than these volumes have re corded, in order to judge by the whole of such persons' character, of the propriety of so much as they incidentally offer; the sacred accounts may be perfect for the purpose to which they were designed, while imperfect in respect to what may be gathered from other quarters. Others refer to cities, once great and populous, now ruined and deserted; of these we wish geographical and his torical information, more, perhaps, than the Bible affords. In REV. AUG. 1797.

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