vinces, raising ruinous contributions on an unresisting people, and despoiling the seat of the arts of those treasures from which it derived that distinguished name. Alas! how many of those sublime paintings, produced, as it were, by the pencil of inspiration, and almost realizing the works of inspired writers, have been torn from the altars where piety had placed them, to adorn the gallery of the Louvre, and to receive there the alternate admiration and derisions of a vain and apostate people! But these, and every other advantage that France can boast, have been acquired by an unexampled profusion of blood. It appears to be in the policy of her Rulers, to lessen her people; on the principle, such as it is, that while their destruction diminishes the public burthen, it exhausts the strength of their enemies. The numbers, indeed, of her citizens cannot be calculated, which have pol luted the plains of Germany and Italy; which have_glutted the Northern Wolf, and the Alpine Eagle. Nevertheless, France, with all her conquests, is like a garment, whose owner consoles himself, for all its filth, patches and rottenness, in an embroidered border, though its weight daily adds to the wear and tear of the miserable drapery it adorns.'

Art. 39. A short Statement of Facts, with some Reflections; occa sioned by a Pamphlet entitled " The Plain Thoughts of a Plain Man." By a real Plain Man. 8vo. IS. Debrett. 1797. This author is certainly much better entitled than his opponent to call himself a plain man. In the spirit of this character, he says, I am not one of those that think the wonderful eloquence of Meffrs. Pitt and Fox an indispensible requisite for a good minister. On the contrary, I think it has done infinite mischief. I should wish the prime minister to be mute, except when called upon to give necessary information to the House, in their deliberations. Plain truth itself is eloquence sufficient, and wants no other garb. For that situ ation, we now want plain sense and honesty only; indeed, these are qualifications we might expect now from every part of the community, even from the present ministers and their supporters; because, unless they calculate very wrong, every thing that is dear to them is in imminent danger. These are not ordinary times, where a man can ferve his interest, and gratify his vanity and ambition at the expence of the state, without a material and perceptible injury to it.'

If the assertion in the beginning of the following passage be true, we may form some judgment concerning the peace to be negotiated under the auspices of his Majesty's present chief minister.

When lately abroad, I was long and intimately acquainted with men of high respectability, who were well informed of the temper and projects of the French Directory, who have assured me, and gave me unquestionable proofs, that it is determined, to the full extent of circumstances, to humiliate Mr. Pitt. Let us ask how is his humiliation to be separated from that of the country he governs? And it is their opinion also, that, on the contrary, should the French have to treat with a different set of men, they are ready to do so on most li beral and fair principles. That very idea, if built on a sure founda tion, is a sufficient ground for a change of administration; for what

have they done for their country, that we should sacrifice even the most trifling punctilio for their sake? nay, every thing should give way to our country's welfare; and had they an atom of regard for it, or their future reputation, long ere now they would of their own accord have quitted their places. The infatuation of some still cries out, Who have we to do better? The nation at large should answer, Who have we to do worse? And are there then no honest men in the state that are likely to do what the exigencies of the times require, but those who have almost ruined it? Fellow countrymen, I know, in common with you, that the right of changing ministers belongs to the crown: but I know also that the King wishes the general welfare as much as we do; but he is misinformed by the selfinterested men that surround him. Let us then unite, and approach the throne with affection and truth: for our present situation loudly calls on every indvidual to put his civil existence into activity. However, let us remember to do so with the calmness and duty of faithful subjects, as well as with the firmness of freemen, by a universal adoption of the petitioning spirit which is happily gone forth for peace and a change of administration. No man that possesses 201. a year, either by inheritance or honest industry, can be indifferent to our present situation, and the prosperity of the state. Apathy on the present occasion is a crime, which your children, to the remotest generation, will call you to an account for: and consider well, that it is an imperious duty on you to scorn any temporary advantages or influence contrary to your affection and duty to your country. Our constitution gives us that privilege, and, though some late acts of parliament in some measure militate against it, we still have liberty enough to express our sentiments collectively and legally to the King, and, I hope, with effect.'

Art. 40. Letters of Crito, on the Causes, Objects, and Consequences of the present War. 12mo. pp. 109. Is. 6d. Debrett. 1797.

These letters, which appeared first in a Newspaper called the Scots Chronicle, form a respectable historical Essay on the French revolu tion, and the war which it has occasioned. We select the following passage as a fair specimen :

Citizens of Britain, know your own good fortune, and learn to prize the inestimable blessings of that Constitution which has been handed down by your forefathers. Are you in earnest in wishing to preserve it to the latest posterity? Be assured, that force and violence are not the proper means for effecting this important purpose. This purpose is not to be effected, either by attempting to overthrow the political system of your neighbours, or by punishing with immoderate severity such of your countrymen as take the liberty of censuring your own; but by mending your own Constitution where it is defective, by submitting it with full confidence to the free examination of all the world, and by conducting its administration in such a manner as, instead of marking jealousy and distrust, or inspiring discontent and resentment, will conciliate the love and affection, the lively gratitude, and zealous attachment of the people. The British Constitution is an old fabric, strong, massy, and well contrived, equally fitted to defend

defend against the winter storm and the summer's heat. It would surely be madness, as well as the grossest injustice, to demolish the more splendid or fashionable house of your neighbour, lest by its newfangled ornaments it should put you out of conceit with your own; but sound reason should teach you, as soon as possible, to repair the injuries which time and accidents have occasioned to your own building. Covet not the frippery of modern embellishments, the fancied improvements of speculative architects; but let the reparation [repairs] be executed in that style of plainness and simplicity which is agreeable to the original plan; bestowing upon it, at the same time, all the accomodation, all the free intercourse of apartments, all the light and cheerfulness, of which that plan is susceptible. If you act in this reasonable and liberal manner, there is no ground to fear that this venerable pile will ever be thrown down by its inhabitants, or that its household gods will ever be deserted.'

Art. 41. The Inconsistencies of Mr. Pitt, on the Subject of the War, and the present State of our Commerce, considered and fairly stated. Addressed by Permission to the Right Hon. Charles James Fox. By Thomas Plummer, jun. 8vo. pp. 90. Debrett. 1797.

25.

Mr. Plummer has taken the trouble of toiling through the Debates of the House of Commons, for the last four years, and of giving several extracts from Mr. Pitt's speeches, in order to shew the inconsistencies of which he has been guilty since the commencement of our disastrous contest with the French republic.-The author's manner of discussing the subject may be justly inferred from the following short specimen:

• I trust I shall be exempted from any invidious or personal motives towards Mr. Pitt, in the pages I have presented to the public. As a man of talents I revere him; and from what I have always understood to be his private character, though I have not the honour of knowing him, I sincerely respect him but as a prime minister of this country, as a man who has engaged us in a war which was commenced without necessity, conducted with profusion, and persevered in till it has nearly completed our ruin, I cannot but execrate him.'

Art. 42. A Letter from a Naval Officer to a Friend, on the late alarming Mutiny aboard the Fleet. 8vo. 18. Murray and Highley. There are many circumstances which seem to render the present an improper time for entering into a free and open discussion of all the causes of the late mutiny; and yet more improper do we consider it, in the present situation of the offenders, whatever may be their demerits, to recommend an unrestrained severity. The writer of this letter, in his zeal for restoring discipline, says that such actions as have lately been committed should be punished with decimation, and that it only now remains to find out and sacrifice, at the shrine of their injured country, the ringleaders of this unfortunate mutiny. We think that the author is possessed of some ability, and that he is well informed on his subject, though we find much to which we could ob ject :-but we are concerned that, with such pressing demands for vengeances

vengeance, it should not have occurred, nor have been thought necessary, to offer something respecting the most advisable means of restoring among the seamen their former good-will to the service; an object which we believe to be of equal efficacy in the establishment of proper discipline, with that of inspiring dread by severity of example. Art. 43. A slight and impartial Examination into the several Mutinies which have convulsed that Part of the Navy destined for the immediate Home Defence of these Kingdoms, from 14th April till its total Sup pression 20th June 1797. By a British Seaman. To which is added, A short History of Parker, the President of the Traitor Delegates, from the Minutes of a Naval Officer who was present at his Examination, with his Remarks on the Proceedings at Sheetness. 8vo. Is. Jones, Rathbone-place.

That this is a slight examination is more evident than that it is im partial. The principal part of the pamphlet is an appendix, containing the proclamations and advertisements relative to the mutiny, with some other extracts from the public papers, but not the most material which might have been selected. The author's observations in many cases are ill judged, and some of them do not appear to be perfectly correct. We have heard before, in an old song, of a sailor's sleeping as much in four hours as a landsman dees in ten, but we have never before, either in prose or in verse, heard it asserted that the allow ance of provisions to the seamen has been so over abundant that five men have ever lived upon the allowance of four, and have saved the odd man's allowance to purchase spirits, tea, and sugar,' &c. According to the late regulation, the allowance is certainly sufficient and liberal: but, previously to that, there was little reason to boast of superfluity. The author is a warm advocate for severity being exer cised in regard to the mutineers; and, in an address to the seamen, he tells them that they never can recover their lost fame. Our sailors have always been remarkable for bold enterprizes:-we heartily wish that they may be roused to attempt this impossibility, and we should

not fear the event.

Art. 44. Suggestions on the Slave Trade, for the Consideration of the Legislature of Great Britain. By Sir Jeremiah Fitzpatrick, Knt. M.D. Inspector General of Health to His Majesty's Land Forces. 8vo. Is. 6d. Stockdale.

In this singular performance, which is written in a style by no means distinguished either by correctness or brevity, the author submits to the legislature various suggestions for the qualified abolition of colonial slavery. Of the proposed regulations, some are designed to take effect in this country, some in Africa, and others in the West-Indies. The first provides for the proper accommodation of the slaves, by excluding vessels under certain dimensions, and allotting a proportionate space for their reception; which, together with the provisions, medicines, &c. are to be inspected previously to the ship's departure. Those which relate to Africa suggest the appoint. ment of inspectors and deputy inspectors in that country, who shall verify the description of the ship to be annexed to her register, and examine the precautions for the health of the crew and passengersz

the

the deputies transmitting to their principal a report on the manner in which the slaves were procured, to be attested by the oath of the master, mate, and surgeon of the ship, and this affidavit to be transmitted to the colonies, where its truth or falsehood may be tried in a court of justice. In the West Indies, Sir J. F. proposes that the newly imported slaves shall be considered as servants indented for seven years; that of those previously introduced one seventh shall be liberated annually; that hospitals shall be established for pregnant females, and alms-houses for the infirm of both sexes: but, as the restriction of the term of servitude must diminish the value of the slave, and consequently prevent the African merchant from obtaining the best, a bounty in proportion to the ship's aerial slave-carrying space (as it is here called) is proposed, to indemnify him for that loss while he is to be prohibited from buying a member of any family, without purchasing and actually bringing away the whole family, to be sold at

the same market.

Such are the more prominent features of this well-designed but illdigested plan: a plan which would be very ineffectual for checking the enormities perpetrated on the coast of Africa, in the prosecution of this nefarious traffic; or to remedy the evils, physical and moral, incidental to a state of colonial slavery.

NOVEL S.

Art. 45. The Num. By Diderot. Translated from the French. 12mo. 2 Vols. 8s. Boards. Robinsons. 1797.

This narrative originated, it seems, in a trick played on the Mar quis of Croismare by his philosophical friends. In the year 1759, much conversation had been excited in France concerning a nun, who appealed judicially against her vows. The unfortunate recluse had interested this Marquis to such a degree, that, without having seen her, he went and solicited in her favour the counsellors of the Parliament of Paris. In spite of this generous intercession, the nun lost her cause, and her vows were adjudged valid. Meanwhile, the Marquis had quitted the metropolis and was settled at his country-seat. Diderot suggested the pretence that this nun had escaped from her convent, and that she should apply to the Marquis for assistance and protection. It was not till, in consequence, his benevolence had provided the ima ginary fugitive with the situation of a governess, that the deception was unravelled; and that the letters which had moved his sensibility were acknowleged to be fictitious. These letters are here collected, amplified, and retouched. They are of a kind which must warmly interest every susceptible heart, and are indeed deeply pathetic, worthy the pupil of Richardson. Convents are depicted in unfavourable colours; and several passages, which would incur censure as indecent, have, in this work of Diderot at least, the merit of tending to deter from vice, by the disgust which it is made to excite, and by the horrid catastrophe in which it is made to terminate. The lunacy of the su perior is a masterly delineation. A short extract may be sufficient: The Superior, unmoved, looked at me and said, Give up your papers, wretch, or disclose what they contained.-Madam, said they

Other Nuns, favorites with the Superior.

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