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We should now proceed to the more immediate intention of this paper, to consider the versions that have hitherto been used in our National Church

ficiency of freedom, from a want of practice in writing English verses. Bishop King's is said to be elegant, but devoid of simplicity. Of Rouse's we shall have ere long occasion to speak at greater length. Denham and Watts are sufficiently known; and that by Sandys has always been admired. He was one of the most harmonious versifiers of his age;" and his translation of the Psalms, for variety and harmony of verse, for elegance and sweetness of rythm, may yet bear competition with any that can be brought to the trial. Dr Burney's opinion of it is, that he " put the Psalms into better verse than they ever appeared in before or since." It was first printed in an elegant little volume, at London, in 1636, introduced with the following beautiful address to the King:

"Ovr graver Muse from her long Dreame awakes;

Peneian Groves, and Cirrha's Caves forsakes: Inspir'd with zeale, she climes th' Ethereall Hills

Of Solyma, where bleeding balm distills; Where Trees of Life unfading Youth assure, And Living Waters all Diseases cure; Where the Sweet Singer, in cœlestiall Laies, Sung to his solemn Harp Iehovah's praise. From that falne Temple, on her wings, she beares

Those Heavenly Raptures to your sacred eares: Not that her bare and humble feet aspire To mount the Threshold of th' harmonious

Quire;

But that at once she might Oblations bring To God; and Tribute to a god-like King. And since no narrow Verse such Mysteries, Deep sense; and high Expressions could comprise,

Her laboring Wings a larger compasse flie, And Poesie resolves with Poesie:

Lest she, who in the Orient clearly rose, Should in your Western World obscurely close."

To point out the Psalms most entitled to notice would be difficult, as they all partake of the same harmonious spirit. We have selected two, however, as a specimen, our limits not admitting more, else we had also given the 18th and 78th. Some other extracts are to be found in Mr Ellis's admirable work, Specimens of English Poetry."

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since the Reformation. This must be deferred for the present, but we shall resume the subject in the next Number.

But fraile man, daily dying, must
At thy Command returne to Dust:
Or should he ages last;

Ten thousand yeeres are in thy sight
But like a quadrant of the Night,

Or as a Day that's past.

He by thy Torrent swept from hence;
An empty Dreame, which mocks the Sense,
And from the Phansie flies;
Such as the beauty of the Rose,
Which in the dewy Morning blows,

Then hangs the head and dies.
Through daily anguish we expire:
Thy anger a consuming Fire,

To our offences due.

Our sinnes (although by Night conceal'd,
By shame and feare) are all reveal'd,
And naked to thy view.

Thus in thy wrath our yeares we spend ;
And like a sad discourse they end;
Nor but to seventy last :
Or if to eighty they arrive,
We then with Age and Sicknesse strive ;
Cut off with winged haste.
Who knowes the terror of thy wrath,
Or to thy dreadfull anger hath

Teach us to number our fraile daies,
Proportion'd his due feare?
That we our hearts to thee may raise,
And wisely sinne forbeare.
Lord, O how long! at length relent!
And of our miseries repent;

Thy Early Mercy shew:
That we may unknowne comfort taste:
For those long daies in sorrow past,
As long of joy bestow.
The workes of thy accustom'd Grace
Shew to thy Servants, on their race

Thy chearefull beames reflect.
O let on us thy Beauty shine!
Bless our attempts with aide divine,
And by thy Hand direct."

PSALM CXIV. "When Israel left th' Ægyptian Land, Freed from a tyrannous command; God his owne People sanctifi'd, And he himselfe became their Guide. Th' amazed Seas, this seeing, fled; And Iordan shrunke into his Head: The cloudy Mountaines skipt like Rams; The little Hils like frisking lambs. Recoyling Seas, what caus'd your dread? Why, Iordan, shrunk'st thou to thy Head? Why, Mountaines, did you skip like Rams? And why, you little Hils, like Lambs? Earth, tremble thou before his Face; Before the God of Iacobs race; Who turn'd hard Rockes into a Lake; When Springs from flinty intrailes brake."

ABSTRACT OF THE PROPOSED BILL

FOR THE PROTECTION OF BANKS
FOR SAVINGS IN SCOTLAND, WITH
REMARKS.

[The greater part of this statement originally appeared in the Dumfries and Galloway Courier, one of the best conducted provincial newspapers in this kingdom. It was, we believe, drawn up by the Rev. Henry Duncan, Ruthwell, a gentleman whose name will for ever be honourably associated with the establishment of Banks for Savings in Scotland. This gentleman is now in Edinburgh, preparing the bill alluded to for Parliament, with the advice of some of our most respectable professional men. We expect to furnish our readers with an argumentative article on the same important subject in our next Number.]

OUR readers are probably aware, that Mr William Douglas, M. P. for the Dumfries district of burghs, has obtained leave to bring in a bill for the protection and encouragement of Banks for Savings in Scotland. We have now before us a copy of the proposed bill, and, conceiving the measure to be of great importance, as connected with the welfare of the lower orders, we are happy in having an opportunity of laying before the public an abstract of its provisions as follows:

1st, That persons who are desirous of obtaining the benefit of the act, shall have it in their power to do so, by forming themselves into a society, and getting their rules sanctioned by the quarter-sessions, a copy of which rules (either printed or transcribed) being to be deposited with the clerk of the quarter-sessions, by whom it shall be filed and preserved;—which rules shall be binding until they be altered by the society, and the alteration also be deposited with the said clerk.

2d, That persons having control and direction in the management of these institutions, shall not be entitled to any pecuniary benefit on account of their services; but this prohibition is not to extend to operative persons employed in conducting the business, who may receive such salaries and emoluments as the rules shall prescribe.

3d, That no depositor shall be entitled to claim the benefit of this act for more than a limited sum.

4th, That all persons who shall have deposited money in a bank for savings, on their own account, shall, on withdrawing their money, be enti

tled to give a discharge to the bank, notwithstanding their disability in law to act for themselves.

5th, That treasurers and other office-bearers through whose hands the money belonging to the society may pass, shall be obliged to find security for their intromissions, to such amount as the regulations of the institution require, and that on this security legal diligence may be done.

the society to act as trustees for the 6th, That the persons appointed by time being, may bring or defend actions in name of the institution in a court of law, and that such actions, for sums not exceeding £20, shall be brought before the Justice of Peace Court.

7th, That no friendly society shall have a power to expel any of its members on account of such members having lodged money in a bank for savings.

8th, That depositors may bequeath their deposits by any written document, however informal, provided it be executed in presence of the minister or an elder of the parish in which they reside.

9th, That the deposits of bastards may be bequeathed; but, if not bequeathed, shall belong to the mother or her relatives.

10th, That the managers of each saving bank shall be the sole judges of the evidence of propinquity in cases of unbequeathed deposits, having it in their power to apply to the sheriff for advice; and that a schedule shall be carefully drawn up, exhibiting the descent of personal property by the rules of common law, according to the different degrees of propinquity; which schedule shall be annexed to the regulations of every society taking the benefit of this act, and shall be the rule by which managers shall be guided in paying over unbequeathed money to the heirs of deceased depositors.

11th, That no confirmation shall be required to be expede on account of unbequeathed deposits, and that the tax on succession shall be dispensed with.

12th, That unclaimed deposits shall, after a certain period and due advertisement, become the property of the institution, and be applied in defraying its expenses, &c.

13th, That all bills, bonds, and other transactions of the society, shall be exempted from stamp duty.

14th, That the managers shall be freed from responsibility when the money of depositors is lodged in the bank prescribed by the rules of the society.

On perusing this abstract, the reader will observe, that there is nothing compulsory in any of the clauses; it being proposed, as Mr Douglas states in his speech," that the bill shall merely extend to such institutions as are desirous to avail themselves of its benefits," and that even these should be left to their own discretion with regard to internal regulations. This, we should think, must remove every objection to the measure in the minds of the most scrupulous. In England there was a necessity for compulsory enactments, owing to the precarious state of many of the country banks; but in Scotland we fortunately stand in a much more favourable situation. The credit of our public banks in this division of the island is so undoubted, and the advantages and facilities they afford are so considerable, as to give peculiar encouragement to our banks for savings; and where the proper mode of investing the funds of these institutions is so obvious and accessible, any parliamentary interference to restrict or regulate such investment, would seem, in every point of view, to be highly impolitic. Accordingly, so far from proposing to imitate the English act in this respect, it is not even intended to give to our Scottish banks for savings the option of placing their deposits in the fund provided for those of the sister kingdom. The bill, indeed, avoids altogether any allusion to the mode of securing the money deposited in these institutions, thus leaving them to avail themselves of such means as circumstances may render most advisable. One great object of it is to give a power to the managers to sue and be sued, that they may thus be brought more directly under the protection of the law, and that the legal disadvantages which attach to the pecuniary transactions of self-constituted bodies may be removed. We do not know that any material inconvenience has yet been felt from the want of the proposed act; but it seems desirable to guard, as far as possible, against future contingencies; because any loss or heavy expense arising from this cause, might be detrimental to the progress of a system which promises

to be productive of such valuable benefits to the industrious classes of the community.

The other provisions contemplated by the bill are of too obvious utility to require any comment; but particular importance we think should be attached to those clauses by which it is proposed to exempt the transactions of the institutions from stamp duties,-to render legal the discharge granted by a depositor during his minority, &c.-to enable the managers to pay to the lawful heirs, without the expence of confirmation, the money belonging to deceased depositors,-and to bring more within the reach of the industrious classes the power of bequeathing their small savings.

Mr Douglas mentions some objections that have been stated against the measure by the managers of the savings bank of Edinburgh, and as the opinion of persons of such high respectability, whose zeal for the welfare of these institutions is so well known, must be of great weight, their objections require to be examined with much attention. The principal reason which the gentlemen belonging to the Edinburgh institution urge for their opposition to the bill, is, that it is not called for by existing circumstances; no clamant inconvenience from want of legislative interference having yet occurred. In answer to this, it might be sufficient to shew, that such cases may possibly occur, because, in every point of view, it is better to prevent an evil than to cure it; but those who are at all acquainted with the detail of the business of banks for savings, as transacted in country parishes, cannot fail to be struck with the existence of something more than a possible defect in the common law, as applicable to such institutions. Should any of our parish banks fall into fraudulent hands, the danger arising from their present unprotected situation would be far from imaginary;-and a single instance of embarrassment arising from this cause, might be productive of a serious obstacle to the future success of the system. But it must further be observed, that inconveniences of immense magnitude not only may, but must take place in the future operations of these banks, unless protection be immediately procured for them. In case of the death of an intestate depositor,

difficulties will certainly occur, with regard to succession, which the managers of savings banks are at present totally unable to solve, and which cannot fail to be productive of much embarrassment and expense to the parties. A simple, and, in our opinion, an effectual remedy is contemplated for this evil. It is proposed, that the managers shall be constituted the sole judges of the evidence of propinquity, having it in their power to apply to the sheriff for advice; and in order to put them in a situation of judging, with regard to the legal right of heirs, with which they may be presumed to be unacquainted, it is intended that a schedule shall be drawn up, exhibiting the law by which the descent of personal property is regulated. This is a provision of such manifest advantage, that were no other object to be attained by an act of Parliament, it would in our mind be sufficient to justify legislative interference. It would be easy to enlarge on this subject, but prudential considerations induce us to forbear.

The only other objection which appears to be brought forward by the gentlemen connected with the Edinburgh savings bank is, that the introduction of the bill into Parliament would excite, in the minds of the poorer classes, a groundless jealousy and alarm. We have reason to believe that this fear is totally unfounded. From what we have been able to learn, after the most diligent inquiry, we are convinced that the bill, so far from being an object of jealousy and alarm, is anxiously wished for by the industrious classes, and will be received as a most desirable boon. We have seen letters on the subject from all parts of Scotland, and they uniformly speak the same language. How, indeed, should it be otherwise? The bill does not originate with government but with the people themselves. It admits of no undue interference with their private rights, but simply removes some legal embarrassments, and extends to them a degree of protection and encouragement, which could not otherwise be obtained; and indeed there can be no doubt that, independent entirely of the intrinsic advantages of the measure, the very act of legislative interference would attract more general attention to the subject, and give it an

importance in the eyes of many which it does not at present possess. There is something in the impress of national sanction which has a powerful and salutary influence on any plan of public utility. The rich will be stimulated to more vigorous exertions in the cause of humanity, and the poor will feel more confidence in their schemes of economy, when they know that what was at first only the suggestion of private benevolence has, after undergoing the ordeal of public investigation, acquired the support of the wisest and highest in the nation, and been enrolled among the laws of the land. This is strongly illustrated in the case of friendly societies. It is well known that Mr Rose's act in favour of these excellent institutions, so far from exciting jealousy and alarm, was hailed in this country as a most valuable measure, and has tended, in an extraordinary degree, to advance the popularity and success of the scheme.

In reference to the objections above stated, great stress has been laid on the maxim, that all unnecessary legislative interference is in itself an evil. As a general political aphorism, we are inclined to give this observation much weight; and certainly we should be among the last to sanction any wanton infringement on the law of the land. But even if it were true, as it certainly is not, that legislative interference is in the present instance unnecessary, of all supposeable cases we conceive there is scarcely one to which that principle would not more forcibly apply than to the case now before us. Let us remember for whose benefit it is intended to legislate. It is for the benefit of the poor,

of those classes which form so large and so important a part of the community, but which have so seldom had occasion to witness the paternal care of Parliament in legislating for their exclusive advantage. It is alleged, that they are apt to be alarmed for the interference of the legislature. If this be true with regard to the ordinary measures of government, of which they are the object, such alarm is not without apparent reason; for what are these measures in their more obvious aspect and tendency? They are such as, whilst they are doubtless necessary for the well-being of society, must appear to the poor and illiterate,

who are not capable of taking very enlarged political views, vexatious, oppressive, and grinding. The parliamentary acts whose operation reaches the poor, generally relate to the extension of taxes, or to the rendering more strict and obligatory the laws relative to game, or to the militia. These may all be highly salutary in themselves, but in the eyes of the poor they are directly the reverse. Now it does strike us very forcibly as an object of good policy, to take every favourable opportunity of counteracting this unfavourable impression, by legislative enactments of an opposite tendency. There have hitherto, unhappily, been very few such enactments. Except the poor laws, and more recently the friendly society act, we are not at present aware of any parliamentary boon to the lower orders which can be ranked under the paternal character we contend for. We all know with what gratitude the latter of these acts has been received, and there is every reason to believe, that the bill in question, which is entirely of a similar nature, will not be regarded with greater indifference. In fact, a measure of the same kind has been already accepted in the two sister kingdoms with the most unequivocal proofs of approbation and joy. Assuredly, therefore, that man would display any thing but political wisdom who should oppose to these advantages a maxim which, however important it may be as a general principle, does not apply to the present question. Why deny to Scotland a gift which has been so liberally bestowed on other parts of the empire?

NOTICE OF MR HAZLITT'S LECTURES

ON ENGLISH POETRY, NOW IN THE
COURSE OF DELIVERY AT THE SUR-
REY INSTITUTION, LONDON.

No III.

Lecture Seventh.-On Burns and the Old Ballads.

MR HAZLITT commenced this lecture by entering into some explanations respecting the opinion he had given of Chatterton in the last lecture; and, after referring at some length to the controversy that had taken place

concerning the supposed antiquity of the poems, proceeded to the more immediate subject of the present lecture -Burns. He described the genius of Burns as connected with his body as well as his mind. He had a real heart of flesh and blood beating in his bosom-you might almost hear it throb. Burns did not tinkle syren sounds in your ear, or pile up centos of poetic diction; instead of the artificial flowers of poetry, he plucked the mountaindaisy under his feet; and a fieidmouse, hurrying from its ruined dwelling, could inspire him with the sentiments of terror or pity. He held the plough and the pen with the same manly grasp: he did not cut out po-` etry as we cut out watch-papers,with finical dexterity, nor from the same materials. However unlike Burns may be to Shakspeare in the range of his genius, there is something of the same magnanimity, directness, and unaffected character, in him. He had little of Shakspeare's imagination or inventive power; but within the narrow circle of personal feeling or domestic incidents, the pulse of his poetry flows as healthily and vigorously. Burns had an eye to see, and a heart to feel;-no more. His pictures of good fellowship, of social glee, of quaint humour, come up to nature;

they cannot go beyond it. The sly jest collected in his laughing eye at the sight of the grotesque and ludicrous in manners: the large tear rolled down his manly cheek at the sight of another's distress.

Here Mr Hazlitt, after alluding to the moral character of Burns, and observing that his virtues belonged to his genius, but his vices to his situation, which did not correspond with his genius, took occasion to speak, at considerable length, of Mr Wordsworth's Letter to Mr Gray. On account of the nature and spirit of these remarks, it does not suit either our purpose or our inclination to repeat them: we pass on to those which followed, on the different characteristics of the poetry of Burns and Wordsworth. Mr H. said, there was no one link of sympathy between them. Wordsworth's is the poetry of mere sentiment and pensive contemplation: that of Burns is a highly sublimated essence of animal existence. With Burns, "self-love and social are the same.' Wordsworth is himself alone,

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