concurrence of this houfe, the minifters would always be obliged to comply, and confequently would be obliged to change their measures, as often as the people changed their minds.

With feptennial parliaments, Sir, we are not exposed to either of these misfortunes, becaufe, if the minifters, after having felt the pulfe of the parliament, which they can always foon do, refolve upon any measures, they have generally time enough, before the new elections come on, to give the people a proper information, in order to fhew them the juftice and the wisdom of the measures they have purfued; and if the people fhould at any time be too much elated, or too much dejected, or should without a caufe change their minds, thofe at the helm of affairs have time to set them right before a new election comes on.

As to faction and fedition, Sir, I will grant, that, in monarchical and aristocratical governments, it generally arifes from violence and oppreffion; but, in democratical governments, it always arifes from the people's having too great a fhare in the government. For in all countries, and in all governments, there always will be many factious and unquiet fpirits, who can never be at reft either in power or out of power: when in power, they are never eafy, unless every man fubmits entirely to their direction; and when out of power, they are always working and intriguing against thofe that are in, without any regard to juftice, or to the intereft of their country. In popular governments fuch men have too much game, they have too many opportunies for working upon and corrupting the minds of the people, in order to give them a bad impreflion of, and to raife difcontents againft, thofe that have the management of the public affairs for the time; and thefe difcontents often break out into feditions and infurrections. This, Sir, would in my opinion be our misfortune, if our parliament were either annual or triennial: by fuch frequent elections there would be fo much power thrown into the hands of the people, as would deftroy that equal mixture which is the beauty of our conflitution: in fhort, our government would really become a democratical government, and might from thence very probably diverge into a tyrannical. Therefore, in order to preferve our conftitution, in order to prevent our falling under tyranny and arbitrary power, we ought to preferve that law, which I really think has brought our conftitution

to a more equal mixture, and confequently to a greater perfection, than it was ever in before that law took place.

As to bribery and corruption, Sir, if it were poffible to influence, by fuch base means, the majority of the electors of Great Britain to chufe fuch men as would probably give up their liberties; if it were poffible to influence, by fuch means, a majority of the members of this houfe to confent to the establishment of arbitrary power; I would readily allow, that the calculations made by the gentlemen of the other fide were juft, and their inference true; but I am perfuaded that neither of these is poffible. As the members of this house generally are, and muft always be, gentlemen of fortune and figure in their country, is it poffible to fuppofe, that any one of them could, by a penfion, or a poft, be influenced to confent to the overthrow of our conftitu tion; by which the enjoyment, not only of what he got, but of what he before had, would be rendered altogether precarious? I will allow, Sir, that, with respect to bribery, the price must be higher or lower, generally in proportion to the virtue of the man who is to be bribed; but it muft likewife be granted, that the humour he happens to be in at the time, the spirit he happens to be endowed with, adds a great deal to his virtue. When no encroachments are made upon the rights of the people, when the people do not think themselves in any danger, there may be many of the electors, who, by a bribe of ten guineas, might be induced to vote for one candidate rather than another; but if the court were making any encroachments upon the rights of the people, a proper fpirit would, without doubt, arife in the nation; and in fuch a cafe, I am perfuaded, that none, or very few, even of fuch electors, could be induced to vote for a court candidate; no, not for ten times the fum.

There may, Sir, be fome bribery and corruption in the nation; I am afraid there will always be fome: but it is no proof of it, that trangers are fometimes chosen ; for a gentleman may have fo much natural influence over a borough in his neighbourhood, as to be able to prevail with them to chufe any perfon he pleases to recommend; and if upon fuch recommendation they chufe one or two of his friends, who are perhaps ftrangers to them, it is not from thence to be inferred, that the two ftrangers were chofen their representatives by the means of bribery and corruption.

Το

To infinuate, Sir, that money may be iffued from the public treasury for bribing elections, is really fomething very extraordinary, especially in thofe gentlemen who know how many checks are upon every fhilling that can be iffued from thence; and how regularly the money granted in one year for the public fervice of the nation, must always be accounted for the very next feffion, in this houfe, and likewife in the other, if they have a mind to call for any fuch account. And as to the gentlemen in offices, if they have any advantage over country gentlemen, in having fomething elfe to depend on befides their own private fortunes, they have likewife many disadvantages: they are obliged to live here at London with their families, by which they are put to a much greater expence than gentlemen of equal fortunes who live in the country: this lays them under a very great difadvantage, with respect to the fupporting their intereft in the country. The country gentleman, by living among the electors, and purchafing the neceffaries for his family from them, keeps up an acquaintance and correfpondence with them, without putting himself to any extraordinary charge; whereas a gentleman who lives in London has no other way of keeping up an acquaintance or correfpondence among his friends in the country, but by going down once or twice a year, at a very extraordinary charge, and often without any other bufinefs: fo that we may conclude, a gentleman in office cannot, even in feven years, fave much for diftributing in ready money, at the time of an election; and I really believe, if the fact were narrowly enquired into, it would appear, that the gentlemen in office are as little guilty of bribing their electors with ready money, as any other fet of gentlemen in the kingdom.

That there are ferments often raifing among the people without any juft caufe, is what I am furprifed to hear controverted, fince very late experience may convince us of the contrary. Do not we know what a ferment was raised in the nation towards the latter end of the late queen's reign? And it is well known what a fatal change in the affairs of this nation was introduced, or at leaft confirmed, by an election's coming on while the nation was in that ferment. Do not we koow what a ferment was raifed in the nation foon after his late majefty's acceflion? And if an election had then been allowed to come on, while the nation was in that ferment, it might perhaps have

had as fatal effects as the former; but, thank God, this was wifely provided againft by the very law which is now wanted to be repealed.

As fuch ferments may hereafter often happen, I muft think that frequent elections will always be dangerous; for which reafon, as far as I can fee at prefent, I fhall, I believe, at all times, think it a very dangerous experiment to repeal the feptennial bill.

$137. Lord LYTTELTON's Speech on the Repeal of the Act called the Jew Bill, in the Year 1753.

Mr. Speaker,

I fee no occafion to enter at prefent into the merits of the bill we paffed the laft feffion, for the naturalization of Jews, becaufe I am convinced, that in the prefent temper of the nation, not a single foreign Jew will think it expedient to take the benefit of that act; and therefore the repealing of it is giving up nothing. I affented to it laft year, in hopes it might induce fome wealthy Jews to come and fettle among us: in that light I faw enough of utility in it, to make me incline rather to approve than diflike it; but that any man alive could be zealous, either for or againft it, I confefs I had no idea. What affects our religion is indeed of the highest and moft ferious importance: God forbid we fhould ever be indifferent about that! but I thought this had no more to do with religion, than any turnpike-act we paffed in that feflion; and, after all the divinity that has been preached on the fubject, I think fo ftill.

Refolution and fteadinefs are excellent qualities; but, it is the application of them upon which their value depends. A wife government, Mr. Speaker, will know where to yield, as well as where to refift: and there is no furer mark of littleness of mind in an administration, than obftinacy in trifles. Public wifdom on fome occafions must condefcend to give way to popular folly, efpecially in a free country, where the humour of the people must be confidered as attentively as the humour of a king in an abfolute monarchy. Under both forms of government, a prudent and honeft miniftry will indulge a fmall folly, and will refift a great one. Not to vouchfafe now and then a kind indulgence to the former, would difcover an ignorance in human nature; not to refift the latter at all times would be meannefs and fervility.

Sir, I look on the bill we are at prefent debating, not as a facrifice made to popularity (for it facrifices nothing) but as a prudent regard to fome confequences arifing from the nature of the clamour raised against the late act for naturalizing Jews, which feem to require a particular confideration.

It has been hitherto the rare and envied felicity of his majesty's reign, that his fubjects have enjoyed fuch a fettled tranquillity, fuch a freedom from angry religious difputes, as is not to be paralleled in any former times. The true Chriftian fpirit of moderation, of charity, of univerfal benevolence, has prevailed in the people, has prevailed in the clergy of all ranks and degrees, inftead of thofe narrow principles, thofe bigoted pleasures, that furious, that implacable, that ignorant zeal, which had often done fo much hurt both to the church and the ftate. But from the illunderstood, infignificant act of parliament you are now moved to repeal, occafion has been taken to deprive us of this ineftimable advantage. It is a pretence to disturb the peace of the church, to infufe idle fear into the minds of the people, and make religion itself an engine of fedition. It behoves the piety, as well as the wifdom of parliament, to difappoint thofe endeavours. Sir, the very worit mifchief that can be done to religion, is to pervert it to the purpofes of faction. Heaven and hell are not more diftant than the benevolent spirit of the Gospel, and the malignant fpirit of party. The most impious wars ever made were those called holy wars. He who hates another man for not being a Chriftian, is himself not a Chriftian. Christianity, Sir, breathes love, and peace, and good-will to man. A temper conformable to the dictates of that holy religion has lately diftinguish ed this nation; and a glorious diftinction it was! But there is latent, at all times, in the minds of the vulgar, á fpark of enthufiafm, which, if blown by the breath of a party, may, even when it feems quite extinguifhed, be fuddenly revived and raifed to a flame. The act of latt feffion for naturalizing Jews, has very unexpectedly adminiftered fuel to feed that flame. To what a height it may rife, if it should continue much longer, one cannot eafily tell; but, take away the fuel, and it will die of itself.

It is the misfortune of all the Roman Catholic countries, that there the church and the state, the civil power and the hie

END OF BOOK

rarchy, have feparate interefts; and are continually at variance one with the other. It is our happiness, that there they form but one fyftem. While this harmony lasts, whatever hurts the church, hurts the state: whatever weakens the credit of the governors of the church, takes away from the civil power a part of its ftrength, and fhakes the whole conftitution.

Sir, I trust and believe that, by fpeedily paffing this bill, we fhall filence that obloquy which has fo unjustly been cast upon our reverend prelates (fome of the most refpectable that ever adorned our church) for the part they took in the act which this repeals. And it greatly concerns the whole community, that they should not lofe that respect which is fo justly due to them, by a popular clamour kept up in oppofition to a measure of no importance in itfelf. But if the departing from that meafure fhould not remove the prejudice fo maliciously raised, I am certain that no further ftep you can take will be able to remove it; and, therefore, I hope you will ftop here. This appears to be a reasonable and fafe condefcenfion, by which nobody will be hurt; but all beyond this would be dangerous weakness in government: it might open a door to the wildeft enthufiafm, and to the most mischievous attacks of political difaffection working upon that enthufiafm. If you encourage and authorize it to fall on the fynagogue, it will go from thence to the meeting-house, and in the end to the palace. But let us be careful to check its further progrefs. The more zealous we are to fupport Chriftiari ty, the more vigilant should we be in maintaining toleration. If we bring back perfecution, we bring back the Anti-chriftian fpirit of popery; and when the fpirit is here, the whole fvftem will foon follow. Toleration is the basis of all public quiet. It is a charter of freedom given to the mind, more valuable, I think, than that which fecures our perfons and eftates. Indeed, they are infeparably connected together: for, where the mind is not free, where the confcience is enthralled, there is no freedom. Spiritual tyranny puts on the galling chains; but civil tyranny is called in, to rivet and fix them. We fee it in Spain, and many other countries; we have formerly both feen and felt it in England. By the blefling of God, we are now delivered from all kinds of oppreffion. Let us take care, that they may

never return.

THE THIRD.

had lighted his pipe, and smoked about a dozen whiffs-Trim came in front of his master, and made his bow;-my uncle Toby smoked on, and faid no more.-Corporal! faid my uncle Toby-the corporal made his bow.--My uncle Toby proceeded no farther, but finished his pipe. Trim! faid my uncle Toby, I have a project in my head, as it is a bad night, of wrapping myfelf up warm in my roquelaure, and paying a vifit to this poor gentleman. Your honour's roquelaure, replied the corporal, has not once been had on, fince the night before your honour received your wound, when we mounted guard in the trenches before the gate of St. Nicholas; -and befides, it is fo cold and rainy a night, that what with the roquelaure, and what with the weather, 'twill be enough to give your honour your death, and bring on your honour's torment in your groin. I fear fo, replied my uncle Toby; but I am not at reft in my mind, Trím, fince the account the landlord has given me.I wish I had not known fo much of this affair,-added my uncle Toby,-or that I had known more of it :-How fhall we manage it-Leave it, an't please your honour, to me, quoth the corporal;-I'll take my hat and flick, and go to the house and reconnoitre, and act accordingly; and I will bring your honour a full account in an hour.-Thou shalt go, Trim, faid my uncle Toby, and here's a fhilling for thee to drink with his fervant-I fhall get it all out of him, faid the corporal, fhutting the door.

My uncle Toby filled his fecond pipe; and had it not been, that he now and then wandered from the point, with confidering whether it was not full as well to have the curtain of the tennaile a ftraight line, as a crooked one, he might be faid to have thought of nothing elfe but poor Le Fevre and his boy the whole time he

fmoked it.

It was not till my uncle Toby had knocked the ashes out of his third pipe, that corporal Trim returned from the inn, and gave him the following account.

I defpaired at firft, faid the corporal, of being able to bring back your honour any kind of intelligence concerning the poor fick lieutenant-Is he in the army then? faid my uncle Toby-He is, faid the corporal-And in what regiment? faid my uncle Toby-I'll tell your honour, replied the corporal, every thing ftraight forwards, as I learnt it. Then, Trim, I'll

fill another pipe, faid my uncle Toby, and not interrupt thee till thou haft done; fo fit down at thy eafe, Trim, in the window feat, and begin thy ftory again. The corporal made his old bow, which generally fpoke, as plain as a bow could fpeak it

Your honour is good:"-And having done that, he fat down, as he was ordered,-and began the ftory to my uncle Toby over again in pretty near the fame words.

I defpaired at firft, faid the corporal, of being able to bring back any intelligence to your honour about the lieutenant and his fon; for when I asked where his fervant was, from whom I made myself fure of knowing every thing which was proper to be afked-That's a right diftinction, Trim, faid my uncle Toby-I was anfwered, an' please your honour, that he had no fervant with him that he had come to the inn with hired horses, which, upon finding himself unable to proceed, (to join, I fuppofe, the regiment) he had difmiffed the morning after he came.-If I get better, my dear, said he, as he gave his purfe to his fon to pay the man,-we can hire horfes from hence. But alas! the poor gentleman will never get from hence, faid the landlady to me, for I heard the death-watch all night longand when he dies, the youth, his fon, will certainly die with him; for he is brokenhearted already.

I was hearing this account, continued the corporal, when the youth came into the kitchen, to order the thin toaft the landlord fpoke of; but I will do it for my father myself, faid the youth.-Pray let me fave you the trouble, young gentleman, faid I, taking up a fork for the purpose, and offering him my chair to fit down upon by the fire, whilst I did it.-I believe, fir, faid he, very modeftly, I can please him beft myself.-I am fure, faid I, his honour will not like the toast the worse for being toafted by an old foldier.-The youth took hold of my hand, and inftantly burft into tears.-Poor youth! faid my uncle Toby, he has been bred up from an infant in the army, and the name of a soldier, Trim, founded in his ears like the name of a friend;-I wish I had him here.

——I never, in the longest march, faid the corporal, had fo great a mind to my dinner, as I had to cry with him for company:-What could be the matter with me, an' please your honour? Nothing in the world, Trim, faid my uncle Toby,

blowing