Any one can govern by a state of siege.

In his last illness; referring to government by armed force, when the laws are for the time being suspended.

In a speech after the annexation of Naples by Garibaldi in 1860, he made the important announcement which will be forever associated with the name of Cavour: "We are ready to proclaim in Italy this principle, 'A free church in a free state."" They were also his last words, to the priest in attendance upon him: "Frate, frate, libera chiesa in libero stato." Montalembert wrote in the preface to his own works, published in Paris in 1860: "In a word, the free church in a free state has been the programme which led me to my first efforts, and which I continue to regard as just and true, reasonable and practical, after the studies and struggles of thirty years."

COMTE DE CHAMBORD.

[Henri, Duc de Bordeaux, son of the Duc de Berri who was assassinated in 1820, and grandson of Charles X.; born in Paris 1820; since the Revolution, has lived out of France; is the last direct representative of the elder branch of the French Bourbons, and is called by his adherents Henri Cinq.]

I will never consent to become the legitimate king of the Revolution (Je ne consentirai jamais à devenir le roi légitime de la Révolution).

He wrote in May, 1871, after an unsuccessful attempt of the Legitimists to effect a monarchical restoration: "To the country belongs the word, to God the hour" (La parole est à la patrie, l'heure est à Dieu).

In 1873 a fusion took place between the Orleanists, or the adherents of the younger branch of the Bourbons, represented by the Comte de Paris, grandson of Louis Philippe, and the Legitimists, who rallied around the Comte de Chambord. Thiers had been forced from the presidency; a re-actionary cabinet under his successor, Marshal MacMahon, stood ready to overthrow the existing form of government. The "hour" seemed to have come: it was only necessary to give the "word." The efforts of the Fusionists were directed to obtaining the consent of the Comte de Chambord, in the event of his restoration, to

the adoption of the tricolor, the badge of the Revolution, originally the colors, red, white, and blue, of the Duc d'Orleans (Egalité), as the national flag of France, instead of the white flag and the fleurs-de-lis of Henry IV., the first Bourbon king. However much a matter of sentiment it might seem to be, Marshal MacMahon himself, by birth and education a Legitimist, but all his life a soldier under the tricolor, saw the folly of an attempt to return to a flag with which the present generation of Frenchmen was unacquainted. In a conversation with the Orleanist, Duc d'Audriffet-Pasquier, he is reported to have said, although he subsequently denied it, "If the white flag were raised in opposition to the tricolor, the chassepots would go off of themselves!" (Si le drapeau blanc était développé en face du drapeau tricolore, les chassepots partiraient tout seuls!) The attempt was unavailing. The Comte de Chambord refused to recognize a "legitimated revolution." "Henry V.," he replied, "cannot abandon the white flag of Henry IV." (Henri Cinq ne peut abandonner le drapeau blanc de Henri Quatre). As the Orleans princes, on their side, could not give up the colors which symbolized their devotion to the cause of the revolutions of 1789 and 1830, by which they had risen to power, the fusion failed of practical results; and the "exile of Frohsdorf" remained Henri Cinq only to a waning group of politicians and grandes dames.

The chassepot in the mot attributed to Marshal MacMahon was a breech-loading rifle (named after its inventor, M. Chassepot), which was adopted by the government in 1866, and first used by the French force, which, with the papal troops, defeated Garibaldi at Mentana, Nov. 3, 1867. In his report of the battle Gen. de Failly said, "The chassepot has done wonders."

SEBASTIAN CHAMFORT.

[A satirical French writer, born in Auvergne, 1741; lived mostly in Paris; admitted to the Academy, 1781; was the friend of Mirabeau, and favored the Revolution, "Tableaux" of which he published; died, 1794, after being arrested by the Jacobins.]

What is the Third Estate?

Chamfort furnished ideas to other men, who, like Mirabeau, enjoyed "brushing the most electric head in Europe:" of him

Mme. Roland said that "he made one laugh and think at the same time." Visiting one day the Comte de Lauraguais, he said, "I have just done a piece of work" (J'ai fait un ouvrage). “What!" said his friend, "a book?" ouvrage having in French the double meaning that "work" has in English. "No, I am not such a fool," replied Chamfort; "but the title of a book. I gave it to that Puritan Sieyès: he can comment on it at his leisure; but, do what he may, the title alone will last.” The title was: "What is the Third Estate? Every thing. What part has it in government? Nothing. What does it want? To become something." (Qu'est-ce que le Tiers Etat? Tout. Qu'a-t-il? Rien. Que veut-il? Y devenir quelque chose.) The pamphlet which Sieyes wrote with that title immortalized him: the title alone remains. In his essay the constitution-maker attempted to prove that the Third Estate, the commonalty, as distinguished from the nobles and the clergy, formed a nation complete in itself, which could exist without the other two orders, while they were nothing without it.

Chamfort was also the author of the mot d'ordre, "War to the castle, peace to the cabin!" (Guerre aux châteaux, paix aux chaumières!), which was called by Alison "the principle of the Revolution," and was promulgated by Cambon, a merchant and financier, who was the last president of the Legislative Assembly, a member of the committee of public safety, and who, after the fall of Robespierre, directed for a time the finances of the republic.

"I shall not believe in the Revolution," said Chamfort, "until cabs go at a walk" (Je ne croirai pas à la révolution que quand les cabriolets vont au pas); which was equivalent to saying, "until rich people in carriages cease to run down poor footpassengers" (écrasser les passants). "The man," says SainteBeuve, "who wanted a cab for himself in 1782, and obtained none, wished no one to have one in 1792." In the opinion of conservatives like Sainte-Beuve, personal resentments furnish the motives of revolutions. Louis XV. would have suppressed cabs altogether: "If I were lieutenant of police, I would prohibit those Paris cabriolets.” — Journal of Mme. du Hausset, 293.

Chamfort's paraphrase of the watchword of the Revolution, 'Fraternity or death," which he called a "brotherhood of

-

Cain," was, "Be my brother, or I will kill thee" (Sois mon frère, ou je te tue). Thus Carlyle quotes "fiery Isnard”: “We will have equality, should we descend for it to the tomb." - French Revolution, II., 1, 12. Goethe wrote in the second volume of his posthumous "Aphorisms:" "What sort of liberality is that which everybody talks about, but will hinder his neighbor from practising? Chamfort said of the early acts of the Revolution, "The French are a new people, which has as yet only organized insurrection: it is little, but better than nothing." When Marmontel was regretting these excesses, Chamfort asked him, "Do you think that revolutions are made with rose-water?" (Voulez-vous donc qu'on vous fasse des révolutions à l'eau-rose ?) — Autobiography of Marmontel.

Every man who at forty years of age is not a misanthrope has never loved his race (Tout homme qui à quarante ans n'est pas misanthrope n'a jamais aimé les hommes).

Chamfort divided his friends into three classes: "the friends who love me, the friends who do not trouble themselves about me, and the friends who detest me."

He said of himself, "My head is Tacitus, my heart Tibullus" (J'ai du Tacite dans la tête, et du Tibulle dans le cœur). "Neither one nor the other," says Sainte-Beuve, "left either his head or his heart for the good of posterity."

Chamfort called chance "a nickname for Providence." He considered marriage "a fine invention to interest us as much in the future as in the present."

He prefixed the nobiliary particle de to his name; and when the Duc de Créqui said a name was nothing, Chamfort replied, "It is easy to say that; but call yourself M. Criquet, instead of M. le Duc de Créqui, and see the effect when you enter a drawing-room."

CHARLES I.

[King of England; born 1600; succeeded James I., 1625; became involved in contests with Parliament in the first year of his reign, on the granting of supplies; and, having dissolved three Parliaments in succession, determined to reign without one; finally summoned the Long Parliament in 1640, which declared war upon him, in the course of which he was imprisoned, tried, and executed Jan. 30, 1649.]

If I granted your demands, I should be no more than the mere phantom of a king.

To the Long Parliament, which demanded the power of controlling military, civil, and religious appointments. At an early period he defined the relations between a king and his subjects thus: "The people's liberties strengthen the king's prerogative, and the king's prerogative is to defend the people's liberties."

When Charles entered the House of Commons to arrest Pym, Hampden, Holles, Hazlerig, and Strode, Jan. 4, 1642, he called upon Speaker Lenthall to tell him whether they were present. The Speaker made the historic answer: "I have neither eyes to see, nor ears to hear, save as the commons of England themselves do direct.' -"Well, well," replied the king, "I think my eyes are as good as another's." Failing, however, to discover the members, he added, "Since I see all my birds have flown, I do expect from you that you will send them unto me as soon as they return hither."

Nothing is so contemptible as a despised prince.

Before his execution.

Napoleon wrote to his brother Joseph, king of Naples, in April, 1806, in displeasure at his conduct, "An exiled and vagabond king is a silly personage" (C'est un sot personage que celui d'un roi exilé et vagabond).

On the scaffold Charles said, "I go from a corruptible to an incorruptible crown, where no disturbance can take place." His last word, spoken to Bishop Juxon, was, "Remember!" It is supposed to refer to a message to his son Charles, counselling him to forgive the enemies and murderers of his father. Thus Phocion, when asked, before drinking the hemlock, if he had any message for his son, sent this: "I command and entreat you not to think of any revenge upon the Athenians."

CHARLES II.

[King of England, son of Charles I.; born May 29, 1630; landed in Scotland, 1649, and was crowned at Scone; defeated at Dunbar and Worcester; fled to France, but was restored to the English throne, 1660; joined the triple alliance against Louis XIV., with whom he soon made a secret treaty; died 1685.]