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Much more is to be expected from the event of thefe diffentions in France, than from the internal movement of the affairs in Ruffia. Whatever turn affairs, may finally take in the latter country, we know it can fcarcely lead to any conftitutional alteration. The government may be more or lefs firm, but ftill it will be the fame government. The natural powers of the country may be increafed or diminished in their exertion, but this will produce no alteration in their principle. But what effect the growth of freedom, which is a capital revolution, may have in France, it is impoffible diftinctly to point out, though it cannot be indifferent.

In regard to her own real happinefs, there is no doubt but fuch a change must tend greatly to augment it; but, with regard to her external strength, and to the figure fhe may make in the political fyftem, which is all that we here confider, it is extremely difficult to determine, whether the change will be to her advantage or detriment. Without liberty, Great Britain would dwindle into a contemptible state; poffeffed of freedom, France might, poffibly, become lefs formidable.

As to Spain, that court, to all appearance, ftill remains, and is likely to remain, entirely subject to the influence of French councils. The personal character and difpofitions of one, who ftands high in that ftate, may poffibly caufe fome irregularity in her proceedings; but, in the main, we may be fully affured, that, as long as

France finds it her intereft to continue punctual in her obfervance of the peace, Spain will fcarcely take any ftep, by which it may be violated. Thus, much advantage may be derived from a conjunction, which in every other particular we may have fo much folid reafon to lament.

That France will, on her part, feriously endeavour to fulfil her engagements, we are satisfied; not only from the confiderations already mentioned, but from another proof thereof very ftrong and unequivocal; the payment of fo large a fum for the fubfiftence of her prifoners. The disbursement of money from one rival state to another does not look very like a preliminary step to a war between them.

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But at the fame time it is extremely difficult to determine, to which nation a continuance of the peace will prove the moft advantageous; this depends upon the natural powers of each nation, and thofe permanent refources, which will enable it to get the better of the accidental wafte of ftrength, which it suffered in the war. Much, too, will depend on the care and capacity of the minifters in each nation to profit of these resources, and to turn the opportunities of peace to the moft profitable account. To calculate the force of one of thefe principles, and to guefs at the exertion of the other, requires more knowledge of men and facts, than can be acquired in our fituation. It may not be an easy task in

any.

CHAP.

CHA P. III,

Election of a king of Poland. Parties there. Conduct of the neighbouring powers. Poniatowski recommended by Russia and Prussia. Opposition to the foreign troops. Protest against the diet of election. Branitzki divested of his command. He and Radzivil defeated and driven out of Poland. Ambassadors of France and Austria retreat. Poniatowski elected.

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THE HE laft year concluded with the preparations for the election of a king of Poland, in which fo many powers were interested, and which was, almoft, the fingle point, that threatened markable disturbance to the public tranquillity. For, though the election to the empire of Germany was then alfo depending, and that it was, in itself, a point of much greater importance, it was fo effectually provided for, that no difturbance was apprehended on that account. But, befides the foreign interefts concerned in the election of a king of Poland, fo many ftrong domeftic factions fubfifted, with fo many opportunities to act, that dangerous convulfions might well be feared both within and without that kingdom.

The great political divifion was (as hath been observed in our work of last year) upon the preference of a native, (whom they ufually call a Piast,) or a foreigner

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of the latter party; the former was embraced by Mufcovy, Pruffia, and Turkey; two of these powers having previoufly fixed upon a perfon, whofe pretenfions they determined to fupport. An army of Ruffians entered into Poland, and approached Warfaw; the Pruffians appeared on one frontier, and a body of Turks affembled on the other.

The candidate, who had united these great potentates in his favour, was count Poniatowski, of the illuftrious family of that name, powerful by its dependencies and alliances. He was a man, by his perfonal qualifications, by his ftriking virtues, and his various acquirements by study and travel, fitted to fill and dignify any station. If the conftitution of Poland would ever suffer it to emerge, it could not have better chances for becoming confiderable under any prince. He was folemnly recommended, as well as effectually fupported, by the above mentioned powers.

reafons upon which these parties grounded their feveral opinions, have been already stated. Auftria, However, the friendship of the France, and Spain, as connected great powers, which this noblewith the house of Saxony, were man had acquired by his virtues,

raised

Taifed him many enemies, and no mall oppofition, within the kingdom. The great houfe of Radzivil, and count Branitzki, who was extremely powerful by his office of crown general, declared against him, and acted with great violence in this oppofition. The one oppofed him with all the force of a family, which could raise an army of its dependents; the other with the army of the republic, not, perhaps, more confiderable, but of which his office had given him the entire command. As thefe forces were far from being contemptible, fo their pretences were far from unpopular. They did not oppose the election of a native; but they contended that this election ought to be free; and they could not bear, that, under the name of preferving the liberty of Poland, a foreign army fhould openly, and almost avowedly, difpofe of its crown. This was their complaint; but it was not new, and never could produce any effect. That conftitution, which they fo ardently afferted, neceffitated this very dependence on foreign powers, of which they fo loudly complained.

On the other hand, count Poniatowski, befides his foreign connections, had a very large party within the kingdom. He was nearly related to the family of Czartorinfki, perhaps at this time the most powerful in Poland. The chief of that house might, himself, have formed a confiderable party to raise him to the crown; but he gave way to the pretenfions of his kinfman, and fupported him with all his intereft.

The archbishop of Gnefna, pri

mate of Poland, has, during the interregnum, the right of convoking the diets, and acts in that troubled interval with almost all the authority of a king. The Poles have, not unwifely, vefted this authority rather in an ecclefi aftical perfon, than in any of their great nobility, as his views on the crown must be taken away by his facerdotal character, and as the fame character is lefs liable to lead him to any violent and tumultuary proceeding. This prelate, whofe influence on the elec tion must neceffarily be very great, was entirely devoted to Poniatowski. With these internal interefts, fupported by fo ftrong a foreign force, Poniatowski offered himself as a candidate. His kinfman Czartorin1764. fki was chofen marshal or fpeaker of the diet, and every thing proceeded very profperously in his favour.

Aug. 23d,

1764.

The other party, however, had not been idle either during the election of the nuncios or reprefentatives, who, in the name of the body of the nobility, were to choose a king, nor at the first assembling of the May 7th, ftates. In the former cafe great tumults were raised, but they did not fubfift long. In the latter twenty-two fenators entered a protest against the proceedings of the diet, the principal reafons of which were grounded on the prefence and interference of the foreign troops. Forty-five nuncios figned an act of adhesion to this protest.

Count Branitzki, who was at the head of thofe protefters, retired from the diet. But that affembly,

foon

foon after its opening, revenged itself. An order was made for divefting him of the poft of crown general. Branitzki denied their power; drew together into one body a great part of that army, of which they had attempted to deprive him, but which still faithfully adhered to him: augmented it by levies, and prepared to maintain himself by force; poffeffed, as it fhould feem, by a fpirit of despair and fury, having no power to the leaft adequate to the height of his attempt. Prince Radzivil, on his part, was alfo up in arms, and with the fame obftinacy, and no greater ftrength, ftruggled against the election.

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The ambaffadors of France, Spain, and the empire, finding their political intrigues of no more force towards obftructing the election, than the hoftile attempts of prince Radzivil and count BraJune 7th, retired from the diet and nitzki were likely to be, 1764. left Poland, declaring that they had not been fent to a party, but to the whole republic.

An action at length, happened between prince Radzivil, July 3d. and the Ruffian troops, wherein the Poles, having fought a long time, with their ufual irregular bravery, were, as ufual, defeated by the Ruffians.

The fpirit of Poland appeared ftrongly in all the circumftances of this action. The princefs Radzivil, but newly married, and a fifter of that prince, both of them young and beautiful, fought on horfeback with fabres, and encouraged the foldiery both by their words and their example.

Branitzki was also defeated by a body of Ruffians; and these two lords, the only very confiderable perfons who oppofed the Ruffian nomination, were obliged to fly out of their country, and to take fhelter in the Turkifh dominions, where they particularly value themfelves on protecting the unfortunate; and thefe noble fugitives found refuge where Charles XII. had found it.

In the mean time the Poles proceeded with great tranquillity in ordering their own affairs, correcting whatever they judged amifs in the preceding reign, and bringing back their government to its primitive inftitution and firft principles. This is their ufual method during an interregnum; and, in confequence of their enquiries, they not only make feveral new laws, but fettle their pacta conventa, which is a folemn compact, by which, in fubftance, the king engages himself, upon oath, to maintain the republic on the footing upon which it was delivered into his hands; and to take no fteps, by which the freedom of the country may be endangered, and the elective nature of the crown changed to an hereditary fucceffion. There are other provifions of detail, but this is the fpirit of that compact.

The diet and the kingdom being freed, in the manner we have feen, from all thofe, who were the declared oppofers of Poniatowski, the election was foon concluded in favour of that prince, with an unanimity unknown in the annals of Poland. His own great. qualities, his popularity in his country, his powerful connections,

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the favour of the prince primate, and the countenance of the great potentates of the north, smoothed his way to the throne, which he afcended with the most auspicious appearances, and to the general fatisfaction, on the 7th of September, by the name and titles of Stanislaus Auguftus, king of Poland, and Grand Duke of Lithuania.

Soon after his election, he received letters of congratulation from all the courts by whom his caufe had been efpoufed. The 'most remarkable is that from the king of Pruffia, written with his majefty's own hand. From the matter and the occafion, as well as the character of the writer, it is extremely worthy of being inferted at length. Nothing can be more glorious than a communication of fuch fentiments in the in\tercourfe between fovereigns.

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and it is but reasonable. The "latter being the mere effect of confanguinity, no more is look "ed for (though much more is "to be wifhed) from him, than "what men are endowed with in 66 common ; but from a man ex"alted, by the voice of his equals, "from a fubject to a king, from á "man voluntarily elected to reign those by whom he was cho"fen, every thing is expected that 66 can poffibly deferve and adorn a Gratitude to his peo

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ple is the first great duty of fuch a monarch, for, to them alone, (under providence) he is indebted "that he is one. A king, who is "fo by birth, if he acts derogatory "to his ftation, is a fatire only on "himfelf; but an elected one, who "behaves inconfiftent with his dignity, reflects difhonour alfo

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on his fubjects. Your majefty, "I am fure, will pardon this "warmth. It is the effufion of the "fincereft regard. The amiable part of the picture is not so much "a leffon of what you ought to "be, as a prophecy of what your "majefty will be."

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CHA P. IV.

Disturbance in Russia.. Prince Ivan. He is visited by the Empress. A guard is set upon him. Scheme of Mirowitz. Is put on guard in the castle of Schlusselburgh. Seizes the governor. Attacks the prince's guards. Prince Ivan murdered, Mirowitz surrenders. Is executed.

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many of its neighbours, was not fecure of its own duration for a moment. Every breath of a confpiracy feemed to fhake it; and fuch was the critical state of that empire, that the designs of the obfcureft perfon in it were not without danger.

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