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such supplies must have been shipped or come into the seaport towns, for it was only, in most cases, a day in October that was named as the last on which cotton might be held there; and in New Orleans alone 10,800 bales were in store on the 28th September.

The insurance companies will insure cotton if stored on the plantations, but not in the seaports. Such, however, is the resolution of the people, that we are convinced a vast majority would rather burn the cotton on their estates than ship it through a port in the hands of the Federals. At Savannah the "Bermuda". began to load cotton for her return voyage; but when she had loaded some 400 bales, the people interfered and would allow no more to be taken on board; so that she was compelled to fill up with rice. Cotton is regarded as the basis of wealth and currency. Southerns cannot see, that inasmuch as we are laying our account to receive no American cotton during the present winter, and taking precautions for the future, we shall next year depend still less on their supply. The Government loan is subscribed in it. The State bonds are issued as its security; and no Southern citizen will believe that such security is not ample, or that, come when it may, reviving trade will not bring an undeteriorated market. The cotton crop this year, by the by, owing to rains in August, is not expected to exceed three and a half millions of bales.

There is a considerable amount of Treasury notes thrown into circulation. These are partly in anticipation of the loan, partly in consideration of advances in money, or, as is usual, in kind, particularly in supplies to the army. They are taken at par by the banks-that is, in the currency of the country, small notes (Americé, shin-plasters"). Gold already commands 15 per cent premium; but our informants (intelligent gentlemen) say "the faith and patriotism of the community is the security. We are

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all agreed to take this paper, and when we are so resolved, its credit will be maintained." Doubts in the security of their credit system do not appear to trouble folks in general. It is a neck-or-nothing game-they confide in their ultimate success "when all will come right"-say "they WILL win," and remark justly enough that when they are fighting for existence, if they lose the game, contingent and financial losses are secondary matters; on the other hand, if they win, they say that their internal resources are so boundless that they will at once recover their present sacrifices. It is a favourite calculation in conversation, and in the newspapers, that the South, producing five-sixths of the exports of the entire Union, consuming at least its share of the imports, and paying the enhanced price caused by the protective duty on manufactured goods, either in the shape of duty, or the artificial price charged by the Northern manufacturer, is taxed by the North to the amount of the difference of such duty, while its consumptive power is proportionably reduced. Great expectations were aroused in October last by the purchase of tobacco on a large scale, on account of the French Government, and by the rumoured demand for cotton at New Orleans. An agent in Louisiana reported to his principal extensive sales at the high price of 20 cents per lb.

Allowing for the difficulty of general observation, we can yet confidently speak of the earnestness manifested on both sides in the present contest. In the North there is earnestness. Congress, only seconding the popular desire, has voted 500,000 men, 500,000,000 dollars. Unheard-of pay is offered to soldiers; liberal rations punctually delivered; and to the standards have flocked a volunteer army rivalling in numbers that which is raised by any European conscription. For the service of the war, the citizens, unmoved, are contemplating an expenditure so tremendous, that in less

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than four years, even at the rate of its growth in this the first year of the war (proverbially the least costly), its interest will equal that of the debt which Great Britain has accumulated in two centuries; which has borne the cost of the campaigns of six generations-by means of which were kept alive the liberties of Europe, that otherwise had been crushed out by the iron heel of military despotism. For this war, the North is content to see extinguished that freedom which was her boast, and for which she claimed to be born-for this, to the sword has been committed the rule of the disposing majority. There is no place for the man who writes or speaks aught distasteful to the many-headed tyrant; nay, in some eities, even to be reserved and moderate, is to be suspected and watched. Mob rule and anarchy are terrible, but their duration is commonly brief; far worse is the Government of ambitious men who are content to be dragged at the heels of popular passion, and reign but to execute the wild will of the blinded multitude. So for this war in the boasted seat of freedom and independence, a secret police, nightly arrests, without cause assigned, suspension of writs of "habeas corpus," warnings, suspension, and suppression of newspapers, are common and acknowledged. The seizure of the property of Southern States men, unreasoning cries for foreign aid-which would pass unnoticed if the offspring of newspapers or pot-house politicians are significant when in the mouths of ministers of state. There is, too, in many States of the Northern Union, a strong and resolute sentiment, which is certainly patriotic and worthy. If the levies which have been raised in some eastern towns are composed of the same materials as the band which followed David to the wilderness, far different are the soldiers of the regiments which have mustered in the agricultural States. Fine country-bred fellows are many of these

resembling our young yeomenmen who have made great and real sacrifices to join the army, but who believe in their duty to the Union, and are willing to strike a blow for it. Such are the men of Illinois, of Eastern Missouri, of Indiana, of Ohio, of Northern Kentucky-who will surely prove stouter foes to the brave Southerners than the loose levies they scattered so easily in July. Their tone is earnest; for, whether it will stand the test of the battle-field or not, there is, without doubt, both in the camp and the city, a stern resolve to avenge past reverses and defeats, and, cost what it may, to compel the seceding States to submit again to their allegiance to the sovereign Federation.

And the South is in earnest. We do not take as proof of this the vote of its Congress which echoed the unlimited grants of its rival to the executive, because that might be an empty boast or the bitter and loud defiance on the lips of the wealthy and poor alike, because that is common to both sides, and does not of necessity imply constancy and fulfilment; but it is proved by the out-pouring which only nations in their agony know; it is shown in the one heart which seems to animate these millions like one man in the surrender of individuality, in the abnegation of self, that strikes the stranger with astonishment-in the abandonment of habits and peculiarities-in the boundless confidence which this sensitive people repose in the public men to whom they have intrusted their safety-in the softer virtues which national trial calls forth, and which mitigate the horrors and curse of civil war.

Here is an army not much inferior in numbers to the hosts of the North, furnished from a population far smaller and less inclined actively by habit and climate, and from such classes as we have described.

We have said that there is full confidence in the public men; and, accustomed as we are to hear American statesmen reviled by the party

out of power, while the Lincoln Cabinet is censured for inaction, precipitation, or both-while "old Scott" is said to be "done"-while Fremont is called incapable, deaf to counsel, corrupt, and inaccessible to citizens, &c.*-these people have entire confidence in the prudence and ability of the men to whom they have committed their destinies, though no citizen not on business is allowed to go to the armythough the ministers have anterooms, hateful to the American Republican mind, and secretaries, to be passed-though no one knows the numbers or the mortality of the army, and the plans of the generals are hardly surmised by our own correspondents"-though they stand on the defensive, in itself most trying to the morale of a proud people and a volunteer army. Loud and general, however, seems to be the utterance of the resolution never to yield: rather," say they, we will burn every house, every bale of cotton, and lay our country waste." Deep and bitter is the resentment against the North; and firm, at present at least, the declaration that their dealings shall be with any country in the world rather than with her. Add that in the presence of actual

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war, beleaguered, threatened with the fate of conquered nations, the Government has had recourse to no exceptional proceedings-that the liberty of individuals is respectedthat the press is free-that newspapers (e.g. the Charleston Mercury) publish without molestation the sharpest diatribes on the authorities and on the conduct of the war, though it should be noted that their complaints are generally to the effect that the policy adopted is defensive, and not aggressive. Crime and violence were never so rare. The cities on Sundays present an appearance almost of Scottish tranquillity though in most cases large bodies of troops are cantoned in the immediate neighbourhood. The vast slave population, so far from proving the cause of embarrassment or weakness, have enabled the cultivation of the soil to proceed: while so many of the white population have joined the army, the women live with unlocked doors on the plantations. In all ranks of civil and military life there reigns, with the sternest resolution, an absolute confidence of their ultimate success. The conclusion we conceive to be irresistible, that although, with constancy and perseverance, the North may mould

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* So much has been said of General Fremont's magnificence in St Louis that it may be worth mentioning in what state he was living when the writer was there in September last. He was occupying a substantial house in a good quarter, placed at his disposal by a friend. Most of the sunk and basement floors were taken up by busy secretaries and clerks. The general was incessantly engaged in organising and providing transport for a force which should subjugate Missouri-a State half as large as Ireland-the Legislature and most of the people of which were hostile to the Union, and of which he had been less than a month in nominal military command. Regiments were pouring in to him from the neighbouring States in various degrees of rawness, generally without arms, and unacquainted with their use. He had no rifles in store. His troops were being drawn away to reinforce points further East. The insanity of plunging into such a country when so unprepared needs no remark, but was illustrated by the fate of the garrison of Lexington.

The "body guard" which has so stunk in the Republican nostrils consisted of a troop of volunteer cavalry, the members of which had enrolled themselves for the purpose of so serving. It presented the appearance of a raw and shabby squad of yeomanry, but it furnished the sentries at the General's gate, who only admitted persons on business, and so prevented his house from becoming what in America is called levee, but in England a bear-garden. We need not try to strike the balance of truth between the charges of peculation brought against officers about General Fremont's staff, and the counter charges of backstairs cabals against the General at Washington. But the measure of forbearance accorded by the Executive to Federal commanders would appear to be uneven; for if those on the west have gained no more than those in the east, yet they have not lost so much.

its heterogeneous army into efficiency, and though the lessons of war may gradually supply that military character in which for the present it is deficient, her gros bataillons and her outpoured treasures will fail, like other armies and more ancient powers, to crush the newly-won independence of a resolute and united people.

The war, perhaps, is not one to awaken our warm sympathies for either party. The unfriendly tone of the organs of public opinion in the North, when in recent years the military prestige of England seemed for a space to wane, excited not resentment among us, but surprise that an honourable rivalry should have degenerated into jeal ousy, and that despotic Russia, rather than free England, should possess the sympathies of the great Anglo-Saxon Republic. Their importunate demands for our partisanship, at the same moment that they flouted our offers of mediationtheir insolent threats of finding compensation for Southern losses in aggression upon the peaceful British provinces-their loud boast ings and ignominious defeat-would have enlisted on the side of the

weaker party the generous British love of freedom and jealousy of despotism, whether wielded by an emperor or by a triumpant faction.

But that devotion to the cause of human freedom which has led us already to make so many sacrifices, has barred the way to our giving to the South that moral encouragement accorded so often to communities engaged in the struggle for independence and self-government. Recognition of their independence and close commercial reÎations with England, without restrictions upon trade, are earnestly desired by the people of the South; and there may be a little impatience that their nationality is as yet ignored by the civilised world. A more correct view appears, however, to be taken by the heads of the Government. "Our separation from the North," said President Davis lately, "is as complete as if it had been accomplished fifty years. But I am far from complaining of the tardy recognition of European governments.

It is better for us that we should work out our own independence, and the rest will come in good time."

INDEX TO VOL. XC.

Absolutism, present position of, on the Bombay, sailing of the Persian expedi-

Continent, 397.

Achray, Loch, 490.

Act of Uniformity, the, 177.

Adams, Dr Francis, 446.

Aelfric Book Society, the, 458.

Akbar Khan, a Tungistanee chief, 348.
Alexander the Great, the voyage of his
fleet, 345.

Alfred, King, Dr Hook on, 14,

tion from, 345.

Book clubs, origin of, 442.
BOOK-HUNTER AGAIN, THE, 55.
BOOK-HUNTER'S CLUB, THE, 440.
Borasjoon, expedition against, 354.
Boromeo, Cardinal, the library of, 70.
Boswell, Sir Alexander, of Auchinleck,
his private printing - press, &c., 452
et seq.

Ambrosian Library at Milan, its origin, Bregwin the German, an English divine,3.

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Arminianism, the introduction of, by Canova, the residence of, at Rome, 382.

Laud, 175.

Arrochar, the hills at, 487.

Art, the modern English school of, 201.
ART-STUDENT IN ROME, THE, 381.

Astorian Library in America, the, 66, 67.
Auchinleck Press, works issued from

the, 452 et seq.

Augustine, the mission of, to England,
5 et seq.his claims on behalf of
Rome, 7 et seq.

AUMALE, THE DUC D', HIS LETTRE SUR
L'HISTOIRE DE FRANCE, 77.
Austria, present position of absolutism
in, 397.

Autobiographies, characteristics of, 136.
Baillet, Adrien, the librarian, 75.

Ballad forgeries, anecdotes of, &c., 455.
Bannatyne Club, the, 450.

BARBARISMS OF CIVILISATION, THE, 87.
Barry, connection of, with Pugin, in the
Houses of Parliament, 685.
Barthelemy, M., anecdote of, 240.
Barthram's Dirge, the ballad of, 456.
Beddoes, Dr, on hydrophobia, 226.
Ben Venue, scenery of, 492.
Biedermann's Henry IV., drama of, 605.
Biography, sources of the interest of, 671.
Blackie, Professor, his speech at the
Wallace inauguration, 281.

Bodleian Library, the, and its founder,
70.

Bokhara, Wolff's journey to, 152.

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DOCTOR'S FAMILY, Part I., 420-Part
II., 525-Part III., 689.

Carlyle's Autobiography, contrast be-
tween, and Wolff's, 137-comparison
between, and Somerville's, 240 et seq,
251.

Carthusians, the, Henry VIII.'s treat-
ment of, 170.

Cartwright, the Puritan leader, 175.
Cats, rabies in, 225, 236.

Catholicism, Ernest Renan on, 637.
Cavendish Society, the, 458.

Celtic Church, the early, in England, 4
et seq.-struggle between it and Au-
gustine, 7 et seq.

Chakhota, expedition to, 352.
Channing, Ernest Renan's Essay on, 637.
Charles II., the deathbed of, 219.
Charterhouse, monks of the, executed
under Henry VIII., 170.
Chetham Book Club, the, 458.

Church Histories, general character of, 1.
CIVILISATION, THE BARBARISMS OF, 87.
Clubs, influence of, 442.

Coburg-Gotha, the Duke of, his reforms,
and their reception, 599.

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