and which in its operation was to have overturned the constitution: have got possession of the different branches of the royal family, and have struck at the life of our beloved sovereign itself.

The persons concerned in this diabolical scheme were under the entire guidance and command of colonel Despard (a person who had already endured a long and close confinement in Coldbath-fields prison for seditious practices), and consisted of thirty-six in number, principally composed of labourers, and the lower class of artizans; and amongst whom were three soldiers of the guards. After several previous examinations before the privy council, colonel Despard and fourteen of this number were fully committed to take their trial for high treason before a special commission. The particulars of this atrocious combination, its objects, and means, the mode of its discovery, and the fate of the traitors, belong to the succeeding volume, where they will of course be detailed in their proper order.

It may be proper here to remark two circumstances, the one of a public, the other of a private nature, both of which, however, lead to the same consequence and train

of thinking. of thinking. We allude, first, to the reduction of our army, and the dismantling of our navy, which were carried on, from the beginning of April to the beginning of November, with singular eagerness and effect; and, 2dly, to that of the vast resort of English to France since the signature of the treaty of Amiens. In the event of renewed hostilities, the former must be obviously attended with the most fatal public consequences, and the latter as ruinously destructive to individuals. The first of these positions requires no proof; and they must be credulous indeed who do not see that detention and imprisonment must be the consequences of the other. In the public and private honour of Bonaparté who would confide? and this opportunity of indulging the angry passions of a little mind would not be neglected, whenever it was in his power to gratify them.

We have already shown, that the increasing power of France, and the declining consequence of Great Britain, could not accord with each other; and in the first attempt to restore those countries to an equipoise, the impolicy and imprudence of ministers and individuals will be severely felt, both in public and in private concerns.

CHAP.

yond what might have been expected from much more ordinary occurrences. During the latter years of that great epoch of revolutionary system, the American war, its contagion appeared to have communicated and infected Ireland; nor had the scenes which were exhibited in almost every quarter of the continent, since that period, been likely either to lessen its effect or mitigate its malignity. In fact, the evil was sufficiently apparent, and too openly manifested itself not to alarm every lover of his country, and every enlightened statesman.

On this side of the water that stability to the empire, which could alone result from the perfect legislative union of its principal component members, was looked to by all with great earnestness; on the contrary, on the part of Ireland there was little prospect of assent to such a measure. The dominant part of that nation, or as it was more generally termed "the ascendency," was too much elated with the victory gained in 1782, over what was then the principle of British connection; and the prostrate majority, the catholics, were of too little importance to be considered or consulted.

The controversies on the appointment of a regent in 1788 constitute a very important era in the modern history of Ireland. A considerable party had been then formed in parliament, including so many general and particular interests, that their numbers might well suggest to them the possibility of compelling government to accept their services upon their own terms; nor were there wanting in this confederation some individuals, whose popularity, adroitness, and

talents in debate were of very formidable magnitude and celebrity : the former constituted the weight, the latter the vigour of this new formed opposition; a combination of both produced a dangerous spirit of great political intemperance, which transfused itself universally throughout the Irish nation.

We believe that the personages who now combined to embarrass the measures of government, at a very critical, perhaps unprecedented moment of calamity, thought of nothing less than the consequences which almost immediately resulted from it, and we are grounded in this belief, because those consequences involved the utter destruction of that monopoly on which their political influence and existence depended; and yet, even at that moment, to men of plainer understanding and talents it was sufficiently obvious, that when all the eyes in the country were turned in ardent gaze and were intent in the pursuit of grievances, one very palpable, and which interested, either really or factitiously, vast numbers, could scarcely elude the research; and that another, though not so injurious or so pressing, yet which had very lately occupied a large portion of the public regard, might again be presented for discussion. The first was, the system of penalties and disabilities belonging to the popery laws; the latter, the reformation of the representative body. Both those measures were accordingly brought forward from without the doors of parliament with a degree of earnestness and ability, and with a pressure of public demand, which was without precedent on any former agitation of national concerns. With respect to one mea

sure,

sure, the government thought proper to comply; and on the other it exhibited itself appalled and trembling on the forward precipice of concession. From these predisposing causes; the rapid succession of dangerous and interesting events, namely, the rebellion; the two French invasions; the disposition (in common with that of every other country) of the commonalty to join in projects of innovation; the vehement animosity with which the respective parties, viz. the green and orange, appeared to have been inflamed, all combined to overcome the reluctance of the greater part of Ireland; and the proposition for union was entertained, without repugnance, by the sober, the benevolent, by those who desired repose, and by the many who felt themselves harassed by contention or oppressed by the victors. The propriety and justice of the measure were feebly, if at all, disputed beyond the limits of the Irish metropolis : there indeed the prevalence of local interests occasioned some warmth of opposition; but it shrank from before the firm countenance of government and the decision of the legislature.

It is worthy of remark, that although an immense number of pamphlets issued from the Dublin press on this occasion, and that the debates in the Irish parliament were protracted to an unusual length; yet scarcely, upon any of the great questions which had agitated Ireland for the preceding twenty years, was the display of talents so weak, either as to intelligence, reasoning, ingenuity, or eloquence!

A complete pause now succeeded to this event. At the union things seemed disposed to fall into their

natural order. The public tranquility suffered no further interruption. The parties who had hitherto inveterately molested and pursued each other, discontinued their vexatious and irritating conduct; the one forbore, the other submitted; mutually astonished at finding out, to their vast surprise, that while they were engaged in the pursuit of their respective objects of ambition, they were the mere instruments of accomplishing one very far indeed from their designs or wishes, and of aggrandising a power, whose interest even the highest pretenders to loyalty in that kingdom, had never designed to promote at the expense of his own importance; and even the change of administration which took place at a subsequent period of the year, although a measure of Irish politics was the avowed and ostensible reason, awakened but a very transitory and languid interest. Numbers both of the higher and middle orders, who for a series of years had been deeply and considerably engaged in political speculations, at once abandoned that pursuit, and betook themselves to their respective professions, or to the improvement of the cultivation of the country.

Among the circumstances which tended to reconcile the people of Ireland to the union, one must not be omitted highly creditable to the parties concerned. Some detachments of the guards, and several regiments of English militia, were sent to Ireland to quell the insurrection. There appeared in those bodies a regularity of discipline and an uniformity of good and generous conduct, which the military character had lost in Ireland, doubtless