277. The causes of

friction be

(condensed)

Our existing agreements with Austria-Hungary and It permit me, to my satisfaction, to cultivate my personal frier ship for the emperor of Russia, and those friendly relations our Russian neighbors which have existed for hundreds years, and with which my own feelings and the interests Germany are equally in harmony. . . .

With trust in God and in the defensive power of our natio I feel confident that it will be granted to us to defend, an to confirm by peaceful labor, what was won in arms under th leadership of my two predecessors on the throne, now resting in God.

Shortly after his accession to the throne William II found great difficulty in coöperating with Bismarck in the conduct of the government. The Iron Chancellor, quite naturally, both from his long experience and his services to the State, regarded himself as best fitted to manage affairs of State. The new emperor, however, had a will of his own, and he differed fundamentally from his chancellor on some of the policies to be pursued. His version of the troubles which led to the withdrawal of Bismarck is given in the following extract from the Memoirs of Prince Chlodewig of HohenloheSchillingfürst.

STRASSBURG, April 26, 1890

I drove with the emperor to the shooting box at Sufflenheim. It was about an hour's drive, and during this tween Wil- time the emperor related the whole story of his difference liam II and with Bismarck without interruption. He said that relations Bismarck had become strained as early as December. The emperor then desired that something should be done upon the question of the workingmen. The chancellor objected. The emperor's view was that, if the government did not take the initiative, the Reichstag in other words, the Socialists, the Center, and the Progressives would take the matter in hand and that the government would be forced to follow them. The chancellor

desired to bring the Socialist Law, including the provisions for Disagreemen the expulsion of offenders, before the new Reichstag, to dis- on law against the solve the Reichstag if it rejected the law, and to take energetic socialists measures in the event of a revolt. The emperor objected to this policy, saying that, if his grandfather had been forced to deal with rebels after a long and glorious reign, no one would have thought the worse of him. But he was himself in a different position, for he had as yet achieved nothing. He would be reproached with beginning his reign by the slaughter of his subjects. He was ready enough to act, but he wished to be able to act with a clear conscience, and first to make an attempt to satisfy the legitimate grievances of the workingmen, and at least to do everything that was possible to fulfill their justifiable demands. ...

isters to the

This friction had considerably disturbed the relations be- Question of tween Bismarck and the emperor, and these were further access of min strained by the question of the cabinet regulation of 1852. emperor Bismarck had often advised the emperor to grant the ministers access to himself, and this was done. But when communication between the emperor and his ministers became more frequent, Bismarck took offense, became jealous, and revived the cabinet regulation of 1852 in order to interrupt communications between the emperor and the ministers. The emperor protested and demanded the repeal of the regulation; Bismarck made a show of consent, but nothing was done in the matter. The emperor therefore demanded that he should either issue an order repealing the regulation, or hand in his resignation. This decision the emperor communicated to Prince Bismarck through Hahnke. The prince hesitated, but gave in his resignation on March 18.

It must be added that as early as the beginning of February Bismarck had told the emperor that he should retire. He afterwards explained that he had changed his mind and would stay, at which the emperor was not pleased, but offered no re

monstrance until the affair of the cabinet regulation

278. William

Bismarck on his resig

nation

time," and the question at issue was, as the emperor wen to say, whether the Hohenzollern dynasty or the Bisma dynasty should reign.

In a formal letter accepting the resignation of Bismar William II gives due recognition to the services whi that great statesman had rendered to the German nati My dear Prince,

I was deeply moved to learn from your request on March II's letter to that you had determined to lay down the offices which yo have held with unparalleled success for so many years. I ha hoped that during our lifetime I should never be compelle even to think of our separation. If, however, with full con sciousness of the serious import of your resignation, I am com pelled to reconcile myself to the thought of our separation I do so with a sad heart to be sure, but nevertheless in the firm assurance that the granting of your request will contribute to preserving and sparing your indispensable life and strength as long as possible to the fatherland. The reasons advanced for your decision convince me that further efforts to induce you to withdraw your proposal would be fruitless. I therefore comply with your wishes, since I grant you the requested discharge from your offices of Imperial Chancellor, President of the Cabinet, and Minister of Foreign Affairs under pleasant circumstances and in the firm assurance that your advice and energy, your loyalty and devotion will not fail me and the fatherland in the future.

I have considered it one of the most fortunate events in my life that I was able to have you by my side as my first counselor on my accession to the throne. What you have sought and accomplished for Prussia and Germany, what you have been to my House, my predecessors, and myself will remain to me and to the German people a grateful and imperishable remembrance. Moreover foreign nations will forever regard with distinguished recognition your wise and forceful policy of peace, which I have firmly decided to make my sure guide in the future.

It is not within my power to reward you worthily for your services. I must therefore content myself with assuring to you the immortal gratitude of myself and the fatherland. As a sign of this regard I bestow upon you the dignity of Duke of Lauenburg. I will also transmit to you a life-size portrait of myself.

God bless you, my dear prince, and vouchsafe to you many years of a happy old age, cheered by consciousness of duty loyally discharged.

In these sentiments I shall remain in the future your dutybound and grateful

Emperor and King,
WILLIAM, R. I.

The year following his coronation William II showed his interest in measures designed to improve the condition of the laboring classes by calling an international congress to consider practical propositions of reform. In the following letter to the new Imperial Chancellor he set forth the reasons why he deemed coöperation among the nations indispensable to the progressive improvement of the condition of workingmen in each.

To the Imperial Chancellor:

II's call for an inter

I am resolved to assist, so far as the limits fixed by the 279. Willia necessity of keeping German industry in condition to compete with the world's markets permit me, in ameliorating the lot of the German workingman. Serious losses, of course, of labor conour home industries by reason of a decrease in our exports

would not only injure the employers, but would also 'deprive their employees of the means of existence. The difficulties created by international competition when trying to improve the condition of our laboring classes can only be partially overcome by international agreement among those countries most interested in the world's markets. In the conviction, therefore, that other governments are also animated by the

national

ference

سنممه

280. Socialism in the election of

representatives in France, England, Belgium, and Switzerl make official inquiry whether these governments are incli to associate themselves with us for the purpose of an in national agreement as to the possibility of meeting th desires and requirements of the laboring classes which ha been enunciated by them on the occasion of strikes duri the last few years. As soon as these foreign governments ha acceded in principle to my proposal, I shall instruct you invite the cabinets of all those governments taking a commo interest in the labor question to a conference as to the ma points entering into this question. WILLIAM

Notwithstanding the belief of Bismarck and the Kaise that reforms on behalf of workingmen would prevent an increase in the socialist vote, their hopes were disappointed. The social-democratic party steadily perfected its organization, increased its number of newspapers, and spread its propaganda broadcast. Finally, in the election of 1907 the government declared open war on socialism, and sought to unite all factions against the "red specter." Though the supporters of the government were unable to prevent an actual increase in the number of socialist votes, they did succeed by effective combination in reducing the number of socialist members in the Reichstag from seventy-nine, at the time of dissolution, to forty-three. The following announcement of this significant election is taken from an article by Herr Bernstein, one of the most distinguished of the socialist leaders in Germany.

In the course of the six weeks which elapsed between the dissolution of the Reichstag and the day of the election a 1907 (con- significant shifting of the line of battle took place. At first in the outcry against "the black and the red," the accent lay on the word "black." The Center, with its "backstairs government," was the enemy, -Social Democracy only the associate.

densed)