"It is impossible to give any independence, not a sham, which would prevent the republics from being a menace to peace"; and again: "With all the paper guarantees and provisions you may make you cannot prevent their arming and again becoming a danger to South Africa"; and, finally: "By giving up their flag, they will enjoy more liberty and freedom than they ever did before."

3. NO COMPROMISE.

The Settlement must be made irrevocable, that the Boers may no longer cherish the hope of a change of policy following a change of Government in England. Mr. Melius de Villiers, Chief Justice of the Orange Free State, wrote to his friend, Mr. Fischer, August 4th, 1899:-"Please impress upon Oom Paul that the present Ministry in England will not always last. By giving way now, we do not do so in perpetuity; but I feel assured a Liberal Ministry will be willing to reconsider the relations of the South African Republic to England, and even to revoke the Convention of London."

Similarly, Mr. Te Water, a leader of the Afrikander Bond, and a member of the Schreiner Ministry, wrote privately to Steyn,, May 8th, 1900:

"We must now play to win time. Governments are not perpetual; and I pray that the present team, so unjustly disposed towards us, may receive their reward before long. Their successors, I am certain, will follow a less hateful policy towards us."

The settlement, therefore, must be made finally, once for all, without compromise. Such a settlement is only possible in the hands of a party which has no pro-Boer section to satisfy.

No middle course.-Mr. John Moffat, C.M.G., who has lived sixty years in South Africa, and who, like his father, the great missionary, and his brother-in-law, Livingstone, is a devoted friend of the natives, writes :

"The question, as it now stands, is this: Are we, British and Blacks, to be under the heel of a Boer domination throughout South Africa? or is every

man, be he British, Black, or Boer, to live at peace with his neighbour, with equal rights and equal laws under the flag of Great Britain? . . . I can pray with a good conscience for such complete victory on our side as may result once for all in British rule." "No middle course can be satisfactory, for it would mean the renewal of the trouble some day, probably in an aggravated form."

[Quoted in letter (February 19th, 1900) of Rev. William Dorling, to the Editor of The Christian World.]

Printed and Published by McCorquodale & Co. Ltd., "The Armoury," London, S. E.

PUBLIC LIBRARY
P 79233

ASTOR, LENOX AND
TILDEN FOUNDATIONS.

1901

51

ATALIWCH Y RHYFEL!

CEIR aelodau seneddol ac eraill y dyddiau hyn yn bloeddio y geiriau

uchod.

Gofynant ar fod i'r Rhyfel gael ei hatal ar unwaith; fod i Weriniaethau Deheubarth Affrica gael anibyniaeth trwyadl; ac fod i'r milwyr Prydeinig gael eu galw adref yn ddioed.

O ynfydrwydd! O ffolineb !

Dymuna pob person dyngarol weled Heddwch wedi ei sefydlu ; ond gwyr pob person synwyrol yn awr nas gellir sicrhau y cyfryw Heddwch ond yn unig trwy ymostyngiad y Boeriaid. Onid hwy a ddechreuasaut y Rhyfel? Onid eu gorthrymderau hwy a achosodd y Rhyfel ?

Y mae rhai o honynt wedi eu haddysgu yn Lloegr, a gwyddant yn dda am gyflwr a gallu ein pleidiau politicaidd. Y maent hefyd yn gyfarwydd ddigon ag amserau pan oedd y blaid Radicalaidd yn rheoli gwleidyddiaeth y genedl, ac felly y maent yn awyddus am barhad y Rhyfel hyd nes y byddo'r blaid Radicalaidd wedi dychwelyd i swydd. Difynir areithiau yr aelodau seneddol hyny sydd

yu bloeddio "Ataliwch y Rhyfel" fel yn cynrychioli gwleid. yddiaeth y Rhyddfrydwyr Prydeinig; ac yn sicr ddigon rhoddant gefnogaeth ac esgus i'r Boeriaid hyny sydd yn awyddus i barhau y rhyfel anobeithiol hon.

Yn awr, pwy yw y rhai sydd wedi gwneid yr areithiau hyn?

Pwy yw y rhai sydd wedi rhoddi cefnogaeth i'r Boeriaid ynfyd hyny, sydd yn dal i fyny yr ymdrech ofer hon?

A fu eich aelod chwi yn galw am atal y Rhyfel?

A bleidleisiodd efe er condemnio y Wleidyddiaeth bresennol oherwydd parhad y Rhyfel?

A fu efe yn rhoddi y gefnogaeth uniongyrchol yma i elynion y Frenhines?

Os bu, y mae yn llawn mor gyfrifol a'r Boeriaid eu hunain am barhad y Rhyfel.

O bawb sydd wedi cymeryd rhan yn y Rhyfel alaethus yma, nid oes mwy o gyfrifoldeb ar neb nag ar y rhai hyny a hudasant y Boeriaid trwy obeithion gau a ffol i barhau yr ymdrechfa anobeithiol hon. Buasai 'r dynion hyn yn peri llai o niwed i'r wlad pe yr aethant allan i'r maes gan ymladd yn ei herbyn. Pe gwnaethant hyny cosbasid hwy gan y gyfraith. Am eu trosedd presennol rhaid eu dirwyo ar ddydd yr etholiad.

Pleidleisiwch yn eu herbyn.

Printed and Published by McCorquodale & Co., Ltd., "The Armoury," London, S.E.

Future of Home Rule

32

THE NEW YO
PUBLICLIRKA

IT will have to be their79284 Policy.

ASTOR, LEX AN TILDEN FOUNT 1901

The position of Home Rule was clearly defined in the House of Commons on the 11th of February, 1898.

Mr. REDMOND'S amendment and Mr. FLAVIN's interruption sound a note of warning to every Unionist.

Mr. DILLON's speech and Mr. O'KELLY'S threats reveal the dangers by which the Unity of the Kingdom is still threatened.

Mr. CLANCY's commentary on the Radical leader tests the value of the vaunted "Union of Hearts."

The incidents of the debate conclusively prove that Home Rule must again of necessity hold the principal place in the policy of any Radical Government that may be formed.

NO UNIONIST NEED NOW BE DECEIVED.

This is the Situation. Note its Significance. Mr. REDMOND moved as an amendment to the Address in answer to the Queen's Speech:

Humbly to represent to your Majesty that the satisfaction of the demands of the Irish people for national self-government is the most urgent of all subjects of domestic policy, and that those demands can only be met by the concession of an independent Parliament and Executive responsible thereto for all matters distinctively Irish."

He founded his claim upon "those ineradicable differences. of race and history which must keep Ireland for all time a separate and distinct country."

"Irishmen to-day," he added, "hated English rule, and would never desist till they had succeeded in wresting their country from its grasp. The question even of armed insurrecwas a mere question of expediency and the

tion

chance of success."

It seemed to him that after all the nonsense that had been talked in recent times about the Union of Hearts some voice should be heard telling Englishmen to their faces the naked truth about this matter.

Mr. O'KELLY capped this by the threat:

"Ireland had a force behind her which only waited a proper opportunity to enforce her just demand."

In this utterance Mr. DILLON recognized

"The voice of a genuine Irish Nationalist," and declared his intention of supporting Mr. Redmond's motion.