σε "immolated by the ignorance and folly of those who now wished "to cover their own disgrace, by the just and natural feelings of "the public, towards men who had died for their country? But "for their immortal renown, it would have been better for them, certainly much better for their country, to have shot them upon "the parade of St. James's park, than to have sent them, not to "suffer the noble risk of soldiers, and in a practicable cause, but "to endure insufferable, ignoble, and useless misery, in a march "to the very centre of Spain, when they who sent them, knew "that Bonaparte had above an hundred thousand men before them, so as to render attack not only impracticable, but retreat only "possible, by the noble, unparalleled exertions they were assem“bled to commemorate; aud what sort of a retreat-a retreat "leaving upon the roads and in the mountains of Spain, from eight to nine thousand of our brave men, dying of fatigue, with" out one act of courage to sweeten the death of a soldier! What "could then be a more disgusting and humiliating spectacle, than "to see the government of this great empire, in such a fearful season, in the hands of men, who seem not fit to be a vestry in "the smallest parish!" PARLIAMENTARY PROceedings. The Speech read by the Lord Chancellor at the opening of the Session, styled--" The King's most gracious speech," conveys the sentiments of ministers at the present important crisis. We do not recollect a speech in which so little is held out to the people to encourage them to persevere. On former occasions when our arms on the continent were almost as unfortunate as during the past year, and when the efforts of our allies had proved equally unfortuuate, there was commonly some naval victory for ministers to boast of, to keep up the the spirits of the people. In the present instance, there is nothing, either in retrospect or in prospect, to afford them a rational hope of success. Ministers however express their "perfect confidence," that the two houses are " prepared "cordially to support them in the prosecution of a war, which "they have no hope of terminating safely and honourably; except "through vigorous and persevering exertion." With respect to an "honourable” termination of the war it is next to impossible. The "honour" of the nation, so repeatedly pledged during the last war for the attainment of objects, every one of which were at length obliged to be relinquished, as the price of peace, was forfeited, That" honour" has since been repeatedly forfeited by the violation of the treaty of Amiens, the piratical plundering of Spain previous to a declaration of war, and the unprincipled outrage committed against a peaceable and neutral state-DENMARK. The object which ministers have all along professed, to encourage the people to persevere in the contest-namely, the diminution of the power of France, and the restoration of at least some of the old governments of Europe, must likewise be given up. The rash pledge which ministers have recently made respecting Spain; their refusal even to enter on a negociation, unless FERDINAND was admitted as a party, when the matter might have been left open to be determined according to circumstances; this pledge' we will venture to predict will be forfeited also. It is a pity that our rulers will by so constantly talking of the "honour" of the nation, remind us of those disgraces which have been our portion during the past fifteen years. As to the "safety" of any peace we may make with France, it must entirely depend upon circumstances; but there is reason to fear that the blessing of a "safe peace" will not be enjoyed by this country till a total change of system shall take place; when Britain, no longer seeking to involve herself in continental wars, shall" seek "peace and pursue it" by attending to her own affairs, improving the advantages with which Providence has naturally blessed her, and reforming the gross corruptions that have spread through every department of the state, and which unreformed, must terminate in national ruin. ་་ Ministers inform us, " that his Majesty continues to receive from "the Spanish government, the strongest assurances of their deter❝mined perseverance in the cause of the legitimate monarchy, and " of the national independence of Spain," and they assure the two houses, "that so long as the people of Spain will remain true to "themselves, his Majesty will continue to them his most strenuous "assistance and support." We are farther informed, that "the engagements already contracted have been reduced into the form "of a treaty of alliance, which as soon as the ratifications are exchanged is to be laid before parliament." Of what value, the "promises, assurances, and treaties of alliance" of the Spanish junta, are likely to prove to this nation, we have recently had such glaring evidence, as one might have hoped would have rendered statesmen possessing common sense, cautious of pledging their Sovereign, and the legislature, as to their future conduct. The calamitous retreat of a British army, sent out for the express purpose of assisting the Spaniards, and which has been exposed to every species of distress, without receiving any assistance, or experiencing the common offices of humanity, from the government, or the inhabitants of Spain, must convince every one, who is not given up to the grossest infatuation, that any attempt to repeat the fatal experiment of sending another army, must be a wanton, and an useless waste of the blood, and of the treasure of the British nation. The senate is called upon "to continue the aid afforded by his "Majesty to the King of Sweden.". We suppose this means the aid of a monthly subsidy of ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND POUNDS; for as to naval or military aid, we shall hardly expose ourselves to derision, a second time, by sending a fleet and an army, without knowing how they are to be employed, and which, on our commanders declining to comply with the requisitions of his Swedish Majesty, shall be indignantly ordered off the coast: but "that Mo"narch," we are now informed "derives a peculiar claim to sup"port for having concurred with his Majesty, in the propriety of "rejecting any proposal for negociation, to which the government, "of Spain was not to be admitted as a party." It is not a little remarkable, that since the delivery of the speech, ministers have declared that it is by no means their intention to throw any obsta cles in the way of his Swedish Majesty, should he judge it for his interests to make a separate peace, and from their intimations on the subject, it need not excite surprise, should this event shortly take place: then what becomes of the peculiar claims of the King of Sweden, on account of his ardent attachment to the cause of Spain! The debates in both houses on the address, present little to interest the public attention. The leaders of the opposition had displayed such eagerness to embark in the cause of Spain, without, as it appears, having had a competent knowledge of the real state of affairs in that kingdom, that the principal difference between them, and their opponents turned on the mode in which the war had been carried, on: there seemed to have been no objection to what ministers have so much at heart," a vigorous prosecution of the war, although it is beyond the abilities of any member of either administration, or op position, to point out a method by which offensive war can be carried on with success. The intelligence, however, which has arrived, since the delivery of the speech, seems to have somewhat opened the eyes of one or two of our senators in both houses. Lord AUCK LAND declares he considers "the Spanish cause as hopeless:" the sentiments of Lord MILTON discover so much good sense, such a retraction of past errors on the subject of the war, as to reflect infinite credit on his lordship. On Lord CASTLEREAGH's motion for enereasing the army, and on his hints of another expedition to the coasts of Spain, the worthy member for Yorkshire observed as follows:-" Where did the noble lord propose to employ the additional troops he purposed to raise? Surely even he was not such a vi"sionary as to think of sending them again to Spain. Was he to "send them to Sweden to be once more the derision of the world? "He could not see to what part of the globe the noble lord would "wish to direct them, He conceived that instead of increasing our dis "posable army, at the expence of such a burden on the country, "we ought rather to shut ourselves up within ourselves, content "with a force sufficient for our country, and repel the enemy should "he choose to attack us." And this mode of conducting the war is, we will venture to affirm, the only one which can afford any rational hope of success. The following reflections from the 23d. of the French Bulletins, on the meeting of parliament, and the state of our affairs at the close of the campaign are truly deserving the serious attention of our readers. Truth is not the less valuable because it proceeds from an enemy. Indeed it has been always áccounted a wise maximn, and which it is now peculiarly necessary to inculcate on the minds of our countrymen-Fas est et ab hoste doceri ! "The events of the English expedition to Spain must furnish ma"terials for a fine opening speech to the English parliament. The “Enghsh_nation must be informed, that her army remained three "months in a state of inaction, while it was in their power to assist "the Spaniards; that its leaders, or those whose orders they exe“cuted, have been guilty of the extreme folly of making a move◄ "ment forward, after the Spanish armies had been destroyed; that, " in a word, it entered upon the new year by running away, pursued “by an enemy, whom it did not dare to fight, and by the curses of "those whom it had stirred up to resistance, and whom it was its duty to support. Such enterprises, and such results, can belong only to a country that has no government. Fox, or even PITT, "would not have been guilty of such blunders. To contend against "France, by land, who has 100,000 cavalry, 50,000 horses for all "sorts of military equipment, and 900,000 infantry, were, on the " part of Englaud, carrying folly to the utmost extreme; it betrays "indeed a greediness for disgrace: it is, in fiue, to administer the af"fairs of England just as the cabinet of the Thuilleries could wish them "to be administered. It betrays no small ignorance of Spain, to "have imagined that any importance could be attached there to a popular commotion, or to indulge the smallest hope, that by "kindling in that country the flames of sedition, such a conflagra"tion could be attended with any decided result, or any material "duration. A few fanatical priests are quite sufficient to compose "and propagate libels, to carry a momentary disorder into the “minds of men; but something else is required to cause a nation to "rise to arms. At the time of the French revolution, it required *three years, and the presence of the convention, to prepare the means of military successes; and who does not know to what ha "zards France was, nevertheless, exposed? France was, however, "stirred up, supported by the unanimous resolution to re-assert "rights, of which she had been deprived in times of obscurity. In “Spain, it was a few men who stirred up the people, in order to "preserve the exclusive possession of rights odious to the people. Those who fought for the inquisition, for the Franciscans, and for "feudal rights, might be animated by an ardent zeal for their per"sonal interests, but could never infuse into a whole nation a firm "resolve or a permanent opinion. In spite of the English, the feu"dal rights, the Franciscans, and the inquisition, have no longer "existence in Spain!" CONVENTION OF CINTRA. The RBPORT of the COURT OF INQUIRY on this subject is only calculated to display the futility, and inefficiency of its proceeding, and to increase the public dissatisfaction. In the first instance the Report was so deficient that his Majesty sent it back for revision, as it "altogether omitted" noticing the principal points they were expressly required to take into consideration-The Armistice and the Convention. The court re-assembled, and by their amended report it appears that the members were of different opinious: four approved of the armistice and the convention, three approved of the former, but disapproved of the latter, and one, Lord MOIRA, disapproved of both. One might naturally have supposed that the conclusion drawn from these jarring opinions, would have been the recommendation of a farther inquiry before a court which had powers to enforce the testimony of witnesses upon oath, and of passing a final sentence on the business. Instead of which the court declare their unanimous opinion, (Lord MOIRA who disapproved of both the Armistice and the Convention, as well as the other members) that "no farther military inquiry is necessary." In this opinion ministers, in the name of his Majesty profess to agree; but at the same time express their disapprobation of "some of the articles " of the convention and the armistice," the whole of the blame of which is thrown on Sir HEW DALRYMPLE, who they inform us, "put the nation to some inconvenience, by not forwarding the armis "tice, till he sent the convention." Thus, without any evidence or opinion of the board, tending to criminate Sir HEW DALRYMPLE, and whilst at the same time, ministers declare that no“ inquiry into "his conduct is necessary," they presume to fix a stigma on his churacter: and these are the men who so recently reproved the court of common council of the city of London, by reminding them" that it "is inconsistent with the principles of British justice to pronounce "judgment without previous investigation;" the meaning of which they have interpreted by their conduct to Sir HEW DALRYMPLE, whom they have severely censured in opposition to the opinion of the board of inquiry, who, though not with perfect consistency, have pronounced their unqualified encomium on each of the commanding officers employed in Portugal. Mr. COBBETT at the late Hampshire meeting declared his opinion-"That it is evident to the whole nation, that his Majesty's |