present time. If they can fight the hard fight without wrath, it may be better for the Cause, and certainly would be best for them. For myself, abhorrence of wrong yet stirs my heart. It is a time of war. I use the pen in default of a sword. And I believe that it is not enough to attempt to hold up the Ideal of Worth for men to worship; we must strike down those who would prevent the unfurling of our Ideal. We are in the battle. Woe to those who slumber, however beautiful their dreams! It is the day of wrath. It is the day of revolution. Let us hold up great principles as banners for the conflict; and let them be lovely and artistic so that an angel need not scruple to sustain them. But the banner leads us to the fight, and in the melée we must smite our adversaries. The Tzars and Bonapartes, the Palmerstons and the Verons, -the despots, diplomatists, brigands, and petty larcenists, must be stricken in the face and without mercy. There is but too much paltering. Let the truth be told, though it hurt some tender consciences; let right be maintained à outrance. The gallant Seven Hundred (the Three Hundred of Greek times no braver) who charged at Balaklava, are not accused of fierceness and severity. We charge against worse odds. Our battle is as chivalrously suicidal. But like them we will charge through. In the day of republican victory, when men have learned the worth of manhood, we shall not be rebuked for our over-earnestness and daring: we shall be forgiven the offence of zeal. Let the good-and the best are brave-let them judge me. 'I have faith also in the unassuming men, in the Unknown Gods, yet hidden under the workman's blouse or under the student's coat. It is to them that I address myself.' I borrow a friend's words. It is Mazzini who speaks. O ye Unkown Gods! who yet shall make our England divinely glorious, where are ye? since of our known and honoured the best are cautious and afraid. Come forth and save us for our bravery is being wasted in the Crimea, or else lies dead in England, showing no sign of life except to grumble that an odd republican does not measure his words like haberdasher wares. Where are the true hearts of England scattered now, when never was so much need of union? We would shout more tunefully if other voices would swell the volume of our cry. Again let Mazzini speak, as Milton would have spoken. Truly he speaks for Italy-Italy under the foreigner's hoof and bound in diplomatic wyths, yet panting to be free. But does not England also need freedom, if only to enforce the one strong blow at Russia, which shall give us honourable victory and Europe peace? It is the same want in Italy and in England. Unity of party is wanting. In God's name let us create it. Who forbids it? Let each of us love his country better than himself. Let each of us lay on the altar of his country the vanity, the petty angers, the puerile jealousies, unworthy of men who intend to found nations, the vulgar affections that enchain him, the silly conceit of a fame which is nothing till the main object be attained. Let each of us take the laws of his own duty from the inspiration of his own heart, and not from the atmosphere which surrounds him, which has to be changed.' Let us take up the high faith which Milton and Cromwell taught with pen and sword, the faith in God and in the People, and under that banner let us go forth to conquer. W. J. L. THE ENGLISH REPUBLIC A NEWSPAPER AND REVIEW EDITED BY W. J. LINTON AND PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY HIM AT BRANTWOOD, CONISTON, WINDERMERE, WESTMORELAND. 1855 |