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despotism' for it denies the reality of justice, takes conscience out of human consciousness, the soul out of the body, hereafter away from here, and dismisses God from the universe: selfishness the only motive, force the last appeal. That politician was a crafty man who said of religion in politics it makes men mad,' for it bids them speak truly, do right, feel kind, and be holy against the consent of Governments when they stand in its way. Alexander at a feast slew Clitus, both drunk with Bacchic wine. One of the flatterers, not drunk, but sober, said—It is all right: there is no law above the king.' That was Practical Political Atheism: the sober flatterer exalting a drunken murderer above the Eternal Gcd. The exceptional measure of a king, raging with wine and anger, was made an universal principle for all time. Here in this nation is much partial Practical Atheism in the political form. Look at the corruption, the bribery of eminent men, sometimes detected, acknowledged, and vindicated; at the conduct of political parties, no one seeking to govern the nation for the joint good of all the citizens, only for the peculiar good of the party in power; at the tyranny of the majority, striking down the obvious right of the lesser number; at three million men made slaves by the people of America :—what is it all but partial Practical Atheism? I am glad political men boldly declare the speculative principle which lies at the basis of their practical measures and tell the people 'There is no natural law above the statutes which men enact'; no God above King Monarch, or King Many. I am glad they 'define their position,' all atheistic as it is. Look at the political and clerical defences of the most enormous public wickedness, and you see how deep this Practical Atheism has gone down into the people, how widely it has spread. But the hope which I have for this nation is built on the character of God and on the consciousness of God in the people's heart.

You may see how Practical Atheism must work in the form of general human life, the life of the human race taken as a whole. Mankind is a family of nations, amenable to the constitution of the universe, and normally to be ruled by the laws of human nature, by justice, by the moral obligation to speak truly, to do right, feel kind, and be holy. As the members in the body form a harmonious person, as the individuals in a house form a harmonious family, as the families in society form a harmonious community, as the communities in a nation form a harmonious State, so the nations on the earth are to form a harmonious world, with human unity of action for all, with national variety of action for each State, social variety of action for each community, domestic for each family, and individual for each person. Justice is to be the rule of conduct for individual, domestic, social, national, and general human conduct. Thus the ideal of human life in these five forms will be attained and made actual.

But Practical Atheism makes selfishness, material selfishness the motive, and material desire the rule of conduct, for the nations which make up the world, as for communities which compose the State, or for persons who join in families.

So the world of Atheism, like its State, society, family, and man, must be

only an anarchy of conflicting elements, the strong plundering, enslaving, or killing the weak. The proximate and ultimate appeal will be to force, now force of body, then force of brain.

Speculative Atheism is a thing human nature revolts at. So of speculative atheists, who have a full consciousness of complete Atheism, there are at most but few; I think not one. Practical Atheism would be just as impossible, if one could be thoroughly conscious thereof. But, without knowing it, there are men who thus act, and move, and live, and have their being, as if there was no God, as if man had no soul, as if there was no special obligation to speak truly, to do right, to feel kind, and to be holy. There are many depraved things done which indicate no depravity in the man-excesses of instinct not yet understood, errors of passion untamed as yet, nay, of ambition, not knowing itself. But there are depraved things which come out of conscious and deliberate wickedness-the deliberate frauds of theology and trade, and the confessed wrong in domestic, social, national, and general human life. These are the fruits of Practical Atheism, though the man knows not what tree it is which bears them.

HISTORY OF THE MONTH.

(From May 22nd to June 22nd.)

THE CRYSTAL PALACE.

THE great marvel of the age, the new Crystal Palace at Sydenham, was opened on the 10th of June. We should hardly be forgiven, if we did not speak of this as the event of the month. But we will dare to differ from the Times as to the immense additional importance of the Queen and her children witnessing the opening, for all Sir Joseph Paxton and his fellow-officials went awkwardly back-first down two flights of steps from the awful presence of royalty at a show. Nevertheless the Palace is a great achievement: its mere size something to be proud of. A glass-hall nearly three-quarters of a mile long and two hundred feet high! The Monument might stand in one of its recesses. The glass roof would cover twenty-five acres of ground. Of its contents,-its works of art, its displays of the natural and manufactured products of all countrics, its gardens, and its museums of curiosity and science,-a large volume would be but briefest catalogue. A couple of paragraphs from the Address of the projectors may give some idea of the magnificence of the place.

"The educational object embraces a complete historical illustration of the arts of sculpture and architecture from the earliest works of Egypt and Assyria down to modern times, comprising casts of every celebrated statue in the world, and restorations of some of its most remarkable monuments.

In science, geology, ethnology, zoology, and botany receive appropriate illustrations, the principle of which has been to combine scientific accuracy with popular effect, and in its ultimate development the directors are bold enough to look forward to the Crystal Palace of 1854 becoming an illustrated encyclopædia of this great and varied universe, where every art and every science may find a place.'

And this is private enterprize. Well done, industrious and daring capitalists! Every way well done! Does it not show us also what might be done if a whole nation was capitalist and contriver, if the educational object' was really national. Then indeed the royalty of the People would worthily inaugurate a great endeavour, and the prayer of the whole people bless its glorious uprising. And when the choral thanksgiving ceased, no low moans of neglected poverty would painfully fill up the pauses, nor proud hearts be saddened with complaints such as these :

'June 10th, 1854. . . This week there is scarcely any work gave out. Next week it is expected there will be nearly six hundred out of work' (in one small town), ' and the greater part of the others will be on half-work. The miserable condition of hundreds in is beyond all description. There are numbers who live almost entirely on a little Rice boiled in water two or three times a day. As for myself and family, we get a little bread, though not half enongh, and with a few Peas, which I consider better than rice, we have managed to keep life within us.'

O, think if this is all a nation needs: Private Enterprize in its Crystal Palace and our workmen so uncared for! Is this the righteous Commonwealth?

THE WAR.

What shall we say of the war? That England is betrayed and sold by our Ministry, for all the foolishly echoed plaudits of the journals that chronicle the taking a few merchantmen as naval victories, that make a special report (the Times did so) of picking up a Russian helmet. Hango has been bombarded without success.' This is Baltic news. Odessa was bombarded with such success that the Russians remained there as masters, and so were handy to make a prize of the Tiger, running aground some few days after the successful bombardment. This is Lord Aberdeen's war. Is the appointment of a new War Minister of much value while he is Premier? Beyond this shameful dilatoriness, which looks fit prelude to intended infamy, there is actually nothing to report. Sebastopol and Cronstadt have not been ventured upon. It is still 'foggy'-both there and here. The French and English contingents are going' to raise the siege of Silistria. Austria is going' to ally with and betray us. Or, if England and France will not go home again when Nicholas gives us his word as a gentleman' to back out of the Principalities for the present, Austria and Prussia will join the injured Tzar. And Austria ‘has allied' with Turkey, so that she may occupy the Principalities as a friend. Is it too soon, since Englishmen are asleep, for Polish Republicans, even without leave of the English journals, to try and rouse us. Last month we spoke of their beginning at Birmingham. On the 5th of June Sheffield, and on the 12th Nottingham, followed the good example: Kossuth standing beside his Polish friends-not the Czartoryski faction-to insist upon the one plain common sense policy of

the war, the utter repudiation of any alliance with Austria (who neither can nor would be true against Russia), and the immediate establishment of Poland in its integrity. Twenty thousand men of Sheffield agreed to this; and at Nottingham, says the Times, a great multitude of working people, but very few influential men.' If so, more shame for the influential men! Working men have some influence, if they will use it. If her Majesty's Government dared to poll the sense of England, they would find the people knows what should be the real purpose of the war. The Queen's Ministers do not want to know. Let us inform them and insist upon an honest issue.

KOSSUTH AT SHEFFIELD

Has taken his true place, beside his Polish friends, in the van of the republican army. And his words-would we could give every one-are worthy of his place. Let him judge of their effect upon true men, by the bitter animosity of the Times. Speak again, thou that canst speak! and win this slownatured but sure-hearted English Nation to the cause of Poland, Hungary, and Europe. Never mind the diplomatists or their scribbling tools. Here are some of the most prominent passages of the speech in the Music Hall at Sheffield.

This question between Russia and Turkey has not sprung up in a night. It remounts to centuries to the defeat of Charles XII at Pultawa, and to the escape of Peter I, by aid of the blandishments and diamonds of Catherine, at Talezi on the Pruth, in 1711. The partial conquests from Turkey, the subjugation of the Tartars of the Crimea, the dismemberment of Poland, the tearing of Finland from Sweden, Napoleon's campaign in 1812, the occupation of Moldo-Wallachia in '48, and the invasion of Hungary in '49, are all acts of the same drama. From the time that Russia commenced to grow, it became an hereditary maxim of Western policy that the independence of Turkey is uccessary to Europe. Yet England and France committed the mistake not to comprchend that a free Poland and a free Hungary, in their turn, are indispensable, as well for the independence of Turkey as also for that higher European aim for which the independence of Turkey is thought to be necessary. Instead of comprehending that truth, they fell into the error of thinking that the despotic ruler of the anomalous compound called collectively Austria has to act as a barrier against the preponderance of Russia. And from this error Austria become the pet of England's Ministers and Parliament, not of the people.

Which is right-Government or People: that is the present question. If Poland still existed and Hungary were free, neither the existence of Turkey would be in danger nor Russia overpowerful. Why, so help Poland and Hungary to be what they ought to be, and your point is gained; if not, not. There is no shuffling away the inexorable logic of history. There is the finger of the Almighty in it. Not to have earlier weighed the logic of these facts is the fault which now lies heavily on you, like a You have now to atone for it by torrents of blood and by innumerable millions; and unless you do acknowledge that fault and act accordingly-let my words be well marked, because they will be justified by coming events-all your blood will be shed in vain, and the sacrifice of your millions will be of no avail.

curse.

As no fault escapes punishment, England herself must suffer retribution. The English Ministers advised Turkey in '48, when the Tzar violated the Turkish territory, not to come into any collision with its stronger neighbours for the maintenance

of its neutrality.' When Russia intervened against Hungary, the English Government officially declared that Her Majesty's Government had not considered the occasion to be one which had called for any formal expression of the opinion of Great Britain on the matter.' Why, the imperious necessity of the present war shows that, not from any compassion for Hungary, but in the interest of England, it would have been the duty of your Government to prevent that encroachment upon Europe by all means; instead of this, it had no opinion to express on the subject.' This was a manifest encouragement -it was a charter of impunity granted to the Tzar for encroaching upon the liberties of Europe. And you are now wondering that the Tzar finds somewhat strange and unexpected the tender solicitude of England for what they now call the independence of nations! He had done equal, nay, worse things in the same line (think of Poland and Hungary !) and met not only no opposition from England, but met rather the encouraging assurance that ‘Great Britain has no opinion to express on the matter.' And yet that danger, and with it the present war, could have been prevented without any sacrifice on your part. At an early period of our struggle, yet when already the danger of Russian encroachment was evident, I sent a Government agent to London to apply for the mediation of England. What was the answer of your Government to my application? Her Majesty's Government can receive no communications respecting Hungary but through the diplomatic organ of the Emperor of Austria at this Court.' Did I ask your money? Did I ask your blood? Not one penny, not one drop; only one worda word which, without the expense of one English shilling, the sacrifice of one drop of English blood, would have spared you the present war. That word was refused; they sent us insultingly to the Austrian Minister. Only please to consider how that mischievous fault embarrasses England's course already at this very moment. If there ever was a truth striking beyond any doubt-incontestable-it is the truth that, except Finland, it is only in Poland and by Poland that Russia is vulnerable. Bombarding Odessa, Sebastopol, Cronstadt, taking Russian prizes, burning the Russian flects (if you can come at them) nay, burning St Petersburg itself: all this may be very noisy, good food for the newspapers, but it is merely a palliative-nothing of a permanent effect. The Russians might, perhaps, themselves burn St Petersburg, as they have burnt Moscow; you will not be the better by it. If your purpose is to fight Russian despotism, if your aim is to check Russian ascendancy and to reduce Russian preponderance, it is in Poland, it is by Poland, that you must act, or else you will never attain your aim-no, never! To you the resurrection of Poland is not an act of compassion, lurking somewhere behind the screen of diplomatic transactions at the end of the war; to you the resurrection of Poland is an urgent, pressing, strategical, tactical necessity of this very moment; to you the resurrection of Poland is not only a rational aim in the present war-it is also an indispensable means for attaining any rational aim at all. Now, you are at war with Russia; therefore it is certainly not from any fond indulgence for Russia that England does not yet do what justice, right expiation of former faults, and the wisdom of present necessities, advise her to do. Such an indulgence for an enemy would be weakness bordering on collusion, madness bordering on ridicule. Then, how is it that these gentlemen here (pointing to the Polish refugees present) have still to stand pleading the cause of Poland before a Sheffield audience, instead of being landed from on board English warsteamers in Samogitia, and calling from native soil, Brave Poland! to resurrection and liberty! Be forewarned, people of England! be forewarned. Look to history: there, in the mirror of the past, thine own future is daguerreotyped.

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You have been taught that Napoleon was defeated by Generals Frost and Famine. No he was defeated by having taken Austria and Prussia for allies. The