Though we establish our freedom upon the enduring basis, we win therefrom no title to immediate rest, as if our triumph had snatched a millennium from eternity or ransomed from traditionary tombs the pleasant garden of content. God's Angels-Memory and Hope-have for ever barred the paradise of unplucked knowledge; and endowing us with the wisdom of our faults, and promises of glorious worth unknown as yet, with flaming swords, lighting the path of time, point to the Future as the only goal of man. As one lives not for himself alone, but also for his fellows, so generation after generation lives and acts for those that follow-even as a father for his children. Not for present enjoyment,-albeit cheerfulness is present joy, the passage of beauty a delight for ever, and the veriest torture of the martyr's wreath of fire as nothing in comparison with his serenity of soul,-yet not for enjoyment, but for works of future worth man's life springs upward from the earth, like a blade of wheat-grass appointed toward the harvest. And here we tread upon the threshold of the new era-the era of organization for the sake of universal progress, that the free growth of individuals may be ordered to a more abundant garnering. Christianity has no instruction here: nor need any marvel thereat, calling to mind its aim, before considered,-not the inculcation of a political system (void of that as of lessons in mechanics or in the economy of wealth), nor the establishment of order, but rather the breaking down of the inequality of caste, and of the abused and unjust authority of tyrannical and patriarchal ages, for the revenging of Right, the right of the individual, redeeming the souls of men with the faith that they are amenable to none but God. All that fusion and blind obedience could accomplish for organization the unchristian empires had achieved. Of a horde of slaves the Christian religion-the faith which places the lowest man in immediate relation with God-the faith which is the cause of duty-has made or yet shall make a race of men; the gospel of Equal Freedom becomes manifest to all, slavery is thenceforth impossible, and the second age of the world (whose motive power has been this religion of two thousand years) completes its cycle.

The God of the world's first day was Freedom: very God, however blindly or unworthily adored: God, the Father, the Creator, who brooded over the chaos of the world's barbarism and bade the light appear: God, whose angel drove men from the paradise of a bestial content, into suffering and sin, that through the knowledge and experience of good and ill they might become God-like, wise unto their own salvation.

The God of the second day, of our two-thousand years, is the Word which proclaimed men to be divine, Sons of God, and equal brothers upon earth: so rebuking the isolation of the heathen freeman. And this Word has not been peace; but a sharp sword to pierce through and through till the bond are free. The first law was growth: our second gospel is righteousness.

The God of the Future, the motive power which shall rule the approaching time, the Comforter who shall surely come, is the Spirit of Wisdom, which is more than Truth and Love, and yet one with them: the Spirit which shall bind together the whole human race in their families and nations-like the many sorts of grain into their several sheaves, and all into one harvest. This is the

Spirit proceeding from the Father and the Son: the Spirit of Harmony, which is Peace; which, following the knowledge of true liberty and the triumph of a loving equality, shall touch our brows with holy flame when the Day of Pentecost is fully come. Then will commence the third day, the third chapter of the book of human life, the chapter of duty, of organization, the work of

REPUBLICAN FRATERNITY.

The knell has rung for American Slavery; a Garrison's strength has not been used in vain. The funeral bells of all the most Christian kings are pealing fast. Bury your dead out of your way. The Hour of the Peoples cometh on.

'Victory, Victory! feel'st thou not, O World,

The earthquake of his chariot thundering up

Olympus ?

The great European war is recommenced, the war between peoples and governments, the strife for nationality, for national organization, that the free may turn their freedom to its fullest use. What matter how the waves recoil? the tide flows surely on. No imperial word, from the East or from the West, can stay the flood. The revolutionary deluge must overspread the earth. The day of kings and governments is no more. The day of the Real Freedom dawns at last. Free-men begin to organize themselves in their several nationalities, no more played with or exploited and sadly severed or unequally yoked together for the caprice or interest of tyrants. No more organized only for outward policies or for police at home, but organized to make of their whole lives one strong and righteous progress for the good of all, for the glory of the Eternal. The Italian dream of Caius Gracchus is realized; some younger Phidias may now sculpture the new Grecian glory; Poland gathers smilingly the abundant harvest of her worth; Germany has awakened from her dreams; Russia crowns the tombs of Pestel and the Mouravieffs; France atones the infamy of these unhappy days. And is not England among the nations? Have not we too our part in the contention, our duty toward the Right,-duty to be performed in our own country and toward our fellows even of remotest lands?

Where is the sword that struck terror into the hearts of tyrants? where is the zeal that counted no odds in the battle for the Right? Where the indomitable bravery of our Alfred, the courageous stubbornness that turned at bay on the field of Azincourt, the desperate daring of Florez' fight? Where are the conquerors of the Armada, the protectors of the Waldenses? Where is Blake, the champion of the Right? and Nelson who fought so well even upon a doubtful quarrel? Where is the heroism which made England great abroad, for all the unchristian slavery at home?

And where is this goodly tower of a Commonwealth which the English boasted they would build to overshadow kings and be another Rome in the West? Is it he who crawled upon his ancestor's tomb to write 'Felon' there instead of Russell, who shall lay the first stone? Or is the Commonwealth here already, the 'goodly tower' well built, needing only some little corner-rounding, waiting only to be admired by all, when the statues of the Iretons and the

Blakes, the Hampdens, and the Vanes, shall be arranged in their due order? Is Equality the English rule? Are all free citizens? Are there none of the proved errors of the past still cherished by our patrician and phenician wisdoms? Are all our people free? Is there no division of governors and governed, free and bond, unjustly rich and wretchedly impoverished? Have all education, all the means of work-which is worth-doing, all the opportunities of worshipful lives? Or have we lingered in the unchristian ways till the curse of antique folly-the curse of decline and death, steals almost unnoticed on us? Have we, once foremost among the peoples, yet to learn the very beginning of Liberty, yet to ground ourselves in the rudiments of humane Philosophy, yet to stammer confusedly ere we dare pronounce the Christian Equality? Is it only for the poor and unlearned to continue their many-years' struggle for the place of manhood, the right of citizenship, whereupon alone the duty of a citizen can be fulfilled for the nation's and the world's good; and are our leaders and governors yet so blind that they insist on dragging us into the doom of barbarous years? O ye who call yourselves Christian! and ye who would be patriots! and ye who would be just! and ye who think that righteousness is possible or peace desirable! what are ye that eighteen centuries after Christ you do not require the freedom eren of your meanest brethren? Where is English valour, where is English hope, where is English sense, that a few fools who call themselves our representatives drive us like a herd of beasts into the depths wherein both slaves and tyrants perish?

Kings and Slaves are passing away. Nothing is stable but the righteous growth. Only upon the ground of equal freedom can the Future be organized, or Peace alight with healing on her wings. The Present dies out, having done its work. England is not without hope for the Future. Wherefore let us be up and doing.

The Social and Democratic Republic. Thither is our aim. The absolute sovereignty of the whole people, directly exercized for the social organization of the whole people, for the better government of society. Not upon us Republicans rests the charge of desiring anarchy. We would not have government a mere nonentity. It is not we, but the Proudhons, the Girardins, the Cobdens, and the Humes, who would make their damnable non-intervention theory not only the rule of international conduct but the rule of our ordering at home. 'Let the strongest bear rule, and the weaker go to the wall! Let the rich have addition without end, and from the poor take away the little that remains to him!' We Republicans want not this, but the equal freedom which shall protect the poor man, lessen poverty of all kinds, and give to the poorest the opportunity of honestly acquiring wealth, of mind and of estate. And care not what may be said about the unfitness of the people for freedom, about the blunders they will make, the mischief they will do to themselves! Let it be so! Who made the Peels and the Russells and the Beresfords and the reforming Jacob Bells, and the respectable knaves of St Albans and elsewhere our tutelar deities, our guardian angels, to keep the most ignorant of us from going astray? Let the People go astray! They will find their way in time toward the truth

and learn wisdom through experience. Let them go astray! but let them give up being led astray! For your kindest and most careful governors have a sad knack of going wrong also.

Universal Freedom, absolute Freedom, Equal Freedom. Not that each should be independent of the rest; but that the whole should be firmly bound and banded together by their own free wills; that upon the only sure ground of equality of right, we may freely build up the scheme of duty, and establish the brotherhood of Humanity, an organization of all the powers and faculties of the whole, for the growth and progression of the whole, from generation to generation, for ever and ever.

GOD AND THE PEOPLE.

BY JOSEPH MAZZINI.

Among the hundreds of political formulas proposed by the different schools sucecding each other during the last sixty years-indicative of the transition from a worn out, corpse-like epoch to a new one-only two have had the consecration of glorious deeds and popular consent.

The first is the French formula—Liberty, Equality, Fraternity: evolved by the revolution of 1789, and accepted by all those peoples which then and afterward followed the initiative of France.

The second is the Italian formula-God and the People: spontaneously adopted by the republicans and consecrated by the heroic deeds of Venice and of Rome, in 1849.

Between these two formulas are radical differences, as yet only imperfectly known, but not the less important. Formulas, when true and destined to live on the banners of nations, contain a programme which unfolds itself in the course of events by a series of logical, unavoidable consequences.

The French formula is essentially historical; it recapitulates to a certain extent the past life of mankind, and refers not very definitely to the future. The idea of Liberty was elaborated and conquered on a limited scale by the Greco-Roman world, and by Paganism, whose problem it was to emancipate the human individual. The idea of Equality was elaborated and partly conquered by the Germano-Latin world, and by Christianity, whose problem-falsified by the papacy toward the XII century,-was liberty for all, the application of the former conquest to all individuals, the emancipation of the human soul, no matter in what condition, on the faith of the unity of nature. The idea of Fraternity, that unavoidable consequence of the unity of nature, which the Christian dogma weakly translates into charity, was for a short time carried on to the politicointernational ground, during the best moments of the French Revolution.

The Italian formula is on the other hand radically philosophical: accepting the conquests of the past, looking resolutely to the future, and seeking to define the fittest method for the progressive development of human faculties.

The first expresses in an abridged form a great fact: the second inscribes a principle upon a banner. The first defines, affirms, establishes the progress that has been achieved, the second states the instrument of progress, the means, the method, by which it ought to be accomplished.

A philosophico-political formula, in order to have the right and power of normally beginning human work, ought to include two principal terms: the source and moral sanction of Progress-the LAW, and the interpreter of the Law.

These two terms are wanting in the French formula: they constitute the Italian one. The source, the moral sanction, of the Law is in God: that is in an inviolable sphere, eternal, supreme over the whole of mankind, and independent of arbitrariness, of error, of blind and briefly-lasting force. To speak more exactly, God and Law are identical terms: God, impressing human nature with the two inevitable tendences, progress and association, which distinguish it from other earthly natures, has written his code on the forehead of mankind, whose historical life is but its commentary and application. Take away God, and there will remain no possible source of Law, except Chance and Force. The interpreter of the Law has been a continual problem for Humanity. Every historical epoch chose him differently. One epoch intrusted the interpretation of the Law to the lay ruler; another to the clerical—a caste, whose sum was the Pope; a third to a certain number of royal families predestined by divine right to guide mankind. The Italian formula intrusts the interpretation of the Law to the People: that is-to the whole of mankind, to the association of all the faculties, of all the forces, coördinate and compact.

The Italian formula, having duty in view, suppresses therefore for ever every caste, every privileged interpreter, every mediator in his own right, between God, the Father and Inspirer of Humanity, and Humanity itself.

All castes derive their origin from their belief in an immediate, limited, arbitrary revelation. The Italian formula substitutes for this a continuous progressive universal revelation of God along Humanity. Kings, popes, patricians, privileged priests may pass. The Italian formula generally applied from a Nation to the association of Nations, proclaims as the basis of a theory of Life: One God and Humanity his Prophet.

The Italian formula is therefore essentially, unavoidably, exclusively republican; it can not emanate but from a republican faith; and can but inaugurate a republic.

The French formula, not alluding to the eternal source of Law, may be defended by brutal force, by terror, and not by education, for which a basis and past conquests are needed; as to the future, it is mute, uncertain, and at a loss. Not defining the interpreter of the Law, it leaves an opening for privileged interpreters, popes, monarchs, or soldiers. Such a formula can be educed even by the last breath of a mouarchy: can hypocritically subsist in a republic which has strangled republican liberty in Rome, or succumbed under the nephew of Napoleon, who declared: I am the best interpreter of the Law: I will be the protector of liberty, equality, fraternity, to the millions.

Neither pope nor king could assume such language in face of the Italian republicans; for the inexorable formula would tell them: We know no intermediate privileged interpreters between God and the People; descend to the ranks and abdicate.

1649.

THE PEOPLE, UNDER GOD, ARE THE ORIGINAL OF ALL JUST POWER. Declaration of the Parliamentary Committee appointed to consider the means of bringing K. Charles to justice.