greater or more glaring than those which have been made in other branches of human knowledge, and their effect should be not to discredit economic science, but to make us more cautious lest we attempt to generalize or draw inferences from insufficient data. Happily the prejudices which formerly existed on this subject have in great part passed away. The importance of political economy is admitted, and instead of being treated as an abstract science, and confined to a few learned professors, it is now widely diffused, and applied to the consideration of various social and economic questions of the deepest interest. It has, in fact, become a popular science; now every one is a political economist, and discusses the most important questions, even though he has never studied Adam Smith, or the other learned and laborious writers who have been the pioneers in this department of knowledge.

A few years ago there were many subjects which would not bear discussion in a popular assembly. If any one advocated freedom of trade, the protectionists were up in arms, as though he meant to rob them of their property or vested rights. If he alluded to the necessity of freeing landed property from the trammels with which a complicated legislation had bound it, he was looked at with suspicion as one who wanted to subvert the constitution. If he referred to the hardships often suffered by the tenant farmer, in having no certainty that he should reap the fruits of any labour devoted to the improvement of his farm, he was treated as a demagogue or an enthusiast. If he spoke of the difficulties which are felt by the working classes, or their claims on their employers, and if he offered suggestions for reconciling the ruinous contests which sometimes take place between employers and employed, instead of obtaining consideration for his plans, or being met by fair argument, he was branded as a socialist who sought to sap the foundations of society. Economists might, indeed, discuss the abstract principles of their science, and no one regarded them: but as soon as they proceeded to apply these principles to practical questions, they exposed themselves to obloquy and reproach.

The times are now changed. Some of these questions are so completely settled in public estimation, that scarcely any one is to be found to defend the views which were once so strenuously maintained; and it is universally admitted, that however unsound be the opinions advanced, they must be met by fair argument and by that alone. It is useless to attempt to put them down by ridicule and clamour. They must be subjected to open and calm discussion, and examined on all sides, until the pure truth is stripped of all the disguises which sophistry may have wrapped around it.

The foundation of the chair of Political Economy in the University of Dublin, through the enlightened liberality of the distinguished prelate who presides over this Society, gave the first impulse to the study of economic questions in this country; and this impulse has been ably seconded by the exertions of the learned professors who have successively occupied that chair. The ground was thus prepared for a Statistical Society; so that when it was established, in 1847, many were ready to take part in its proceedings with interest and ability. That interest has been still farther extended, not only by the valuable papers read at our meetings and

distributed among our members, and by the interesting discussions which have frequently taken place, but yet more by the lectures which, under the Barrington trust, have been delivered in various parts of Ireland, diffusing widely a knowledge of these subjects, and popularizing the abstract principles of statistical science.

We have, therefore, reached an important vantage ground, from which we can look back on the progress already made, and which should encourage us to renewed efforts.

I

Among the various questions which have engaged our attention, may be permitted to select a few, for the purpose of noting the progress which seems to have been made in public opinion respecting them, and of pointing out some subjects which appear to me worthy of further consideration.

The difficulties into which the country was plunged by the loss of the potato crop in 1846, and the consequent famine in the following year, naturally drew our thoughts to the land question, both as respects the proprietors in fee and the tenants. Some of the most valuable papers read at our meetings have had reference to this subject; which has, indeed, received so much consideration, both among our members and by the public generally, that it may seem impossible to throw any new light on it. It is now universally acknowledged that it is of paramount importance to give facility to the transfer of land, to reduce the legal expenses as much as practicable, and to render the title to property secure and easy to be proved so. The establishment of the Incumbered Estates Court has effected this for the present, but arrangements are still required to prevent future complications. An Act for the registration of titles was passed in 1850, but has never been brought into operation; and it is worthy of examination whether this Act would meet the case, or whether further changes in the modes of conveyance, and in the nature of the deeds under which landed property is held, may not be necessary, in order to facilitate and cheapen transfers and give full security to titles. It has been suggested in several quarters, that the Register itself might be made the universal title deed for all landed property, giving an indefeasible title to him who was inscribed in it as the owner, in much the same manner as now exists in respect to the government funds.

The extension of the duty on successions to real as well as personal property was strongly advocated in a paper read before us. The state of the law with respect to wills and the administration of assets also engaged our attention, and a valuable paper on this subject was published by the "Social Inquiry Society." The objectionable nature of the taxes on law proceedings has been brought before us more than once, and the expediency of freeing the administration of justice from all unnecessary expense was strongly insisted on. The heavy expenses incurred in securing new inventions by means of patents, and the defective state of the law on this subject, early attracted our attention, and an able report was published by the "Social Inquiry Society," giving a clear statement of the law as it then stood, and making suggestions for its amendment, several of which were identical with those subsequently adopted by the legislature.

Our attention has been called on several occasions to the economic principles of taxation. The comparative advantages and disadvantages of direct and indirect taxes have been considered, and the policy of meeting extraordinary expenses by loans or by an innmediate increase of taxation has been discussed. The discovery of gold in California and Australia naturally drew attention to the consideration how far the increase of gold might be expected to affect the value of the currency, and whether it would have any effect on the rate of interest. This important question will continue to be regarded as one of great interest to the whole community. The advantages of adopting a decimal division in our coinage, with a view of facilitating the calculation of all monetary transactions was clearly laid before us. It may, perhaps, be worthy consideration whether the full value of this change would be obtained, unless the same principle be adopted in respect to weights and measures also.

The policy of admitting the principle of limited liability in partnerships has latterly engaged a considerable share of public attention, and it has been the subject of two papers read at our meetings. The whole question of partnership appears to me deserving of further attention, especially as respects the legal means of deciding differences between partners, the remedies which the law affords against a fraudulent or dishonest partner, and the necessity of making all the partners individually parties in any legal proceedings between the partnership and the public.

The serious effects which have resulted from some recent disputes in England between employers and their work people, and the distress thereby brought on so many persons, have been universally acknowledged to involve questions of the greatest moment, in the solution of which the future prosperity of the country is deeply concerned. This seems to me to be a subject peculiarly worthy of the close attention of political economists. It may be well to consider whether there be anything in the law, as it now stands, which improperly interferes with the rights of operative artisans, preventing them from testing the principle of co-operative labour, on account of the legal impediments which render it impracticable for any business to be carried on by a large number of partners, whether with limited or unlimited responsibility.

The causes of Pauperism and the most efficient means for its relief are among those subjects which will always press themselves on the attention of thoughtful men. There are many and various questions affecting the welfare of the lower classes, and through them of society at large, which have already received some consideration from us, and which will no doubt continue still to claim the attention of our members. The statistics of crime-the connection of crime with want and ignorance and intemperance—the social evils resulting from crowded lodging-houses-the sanitary condition of the dwellings of the working classes in towns-and the effects of intemperance in magnifying these various evils, itself both the cause and effect of degradation and misery; these and many kindred subjects afford ample scope for the investigation of the enquirer. He must combine correct observation of statistical facts

with sound reasoning and an impartial desire to elicit the truth, and he will then probably be enabled to throw some light on these important questions, which so closely concern the welfare of society.

It may be interesting to take a rapid glance at the condition of Ireland during the past ten years. At the commencement of this period our country appeared to have entered on a state of progressive improvement. Trade was good, and the prospects of agriculture were encouraging. The general appearance of the country, and especially that of the cities and country towns, gave evident indications of increasing prosperity. Then came the blight of the potato in 1845 and 1846, paralysing industry, and entailing on the peasantry and working classes generally that fearful suffering which those who have witnessed it never can forget. Following this were the gigantic efforts for our relief, the charitable contributions sent from every quarter, the public works, the distribution of food under the "Temporary Relief Act," the extended Poor-law, and, lastly, the "Act for the Sale of Incumbered Estates," under which so large a proportion of the landed property of the country has already passed away from its former owners. At the same time, many of the poorer cottiers and small farmers, unable to pay their rents, were obliged to relinquish their holdings, and others, despairing of the future, left their farms and fled to America, so that the emigration which previously existed was increased three-fold. Many landlords also, availing themselves of the opportunity, dispossessed their tenants for the purpose of consolidating their small holdings into larger farms. The class of small land-holders was thus greatly reduced in number, and many were exposed to severe suffering.

It was at the darkest period of this time of distress and perplexity that the Statistical Society was established, and many of the papers read at its earlier meetings had reference to the depressed condition of the country. This prostration was scarcely at all relieved when, at the close of our second session, in the summer of 1849, Doctor Longfield, in the closely-reasoned and well-timed document added as an appendix to his address, showed us that the capital of the country was but little diminished, that the effects of the failure of our harvest had been to a considerable extent exhausted in the privations which had been endured, and that the excess of suffering was the very reason why that suffering should be of short duration.

In the following year, Colonel Larcom, in the comprehensive review which he took of the state of Ireland, again encouraged us, by showing that the improvement had commenced, though as yet it was scarcely perceptible. He told us that, while the present was dreary, the horizon glowed with hope for the future; that the worst was past, and we might anticipate that a gloomy night would herald in a brighter day. Therefore we should not despair, but exert ourselves, and devote our faculties and energies to the task, looking in confidence for a blessing on our labors. This was in substance the conclusion of Colonel Larcom's animating address, and well has the future fulfilled his expectations, and proved the correctness of Doctor Longfield's reasoning.

It remains for me, by a reference to the recorded statistics of the last two years, to illustrate and establish this position, and for this

purpose I have availed myself of several sources of statistical information, and have made large use of the valuable tables published in "Thom's Statistics of Ireland," a work which, on account of the extent and comprehensiveness of its information, and the accuracy with which it is prepared, is highly creditable both to the editor and to the city in which it is published. Through the kindness of Alexander Thom I have been furnished with some statistics of a later date than have appeared in the ordinary publications.

The first subject which naturally engages our attention is the census taken in 1851. We were well aware that many circumstances had occurred during the ten years between 1841 and 1851 which tended to diminish our numbers; and Colonel Larcom, in the address I have before alluded to, and which was delivered in the summer of 1850, stated his opinion that our numbers in the then approaching census could scarcely exceed, if they equalled, those of 1831, viz. 7,767,401; but none of us were prepared for the extraordinary reduction which was actually exhibited, and which showed the population to be reduced to 6,661,830 persons, being 139,997 less than existed in Ireland thirty years before. population was in fact less in 1851 than it had been in 1821, and there is every reason to believe that the present numbers, if known, would exhibit a further diminution.

The

If we compare the census of 1851 with that of 1841, we find a diminution of numbers in every county in Ireland except Dublin and Antrim, the sites respectively of the metropolis, and of Belfast, the seat of the linen manufacture. This diminution amounted to 28 per cent in the province of Connaught, to 23 per cent in Munster, and to about 16 per cent in Leinster and Ulster. A comparison of the last census with that taken in 1821, thirty years before, shows a decrease of numbers in every province except Ulster, viz. :—

The statistics of agriculture next demand our notice, exhibiting as they do several points of great interest. Important changes might have been anticipated to result from the altered circumstances of the country. The continued failure of the potato crop broke up the practice of letting land in con-acre. The inability of so many of the smaller tenants to retain possession of their holdings, and the extensive emigration greatly lessened the number of those dependent on agricultural pursuits. The reduced price of grain consequent on the free importation of foreign corn, and the natural advantages of the soil and climate of Ireland peculiarly fitting the country for the rearing and fattening of cattle, when freed from legislative interference, exerted an immediate influence on the mode of cultivation and the nature of the crops cultivated.