yesterday accomplished in the manner I shall hereafter relate. I was not invited to the meeting. Lord Lyttelton wished to know my thoughts, and at first seemed to think it indispensable that we should attend in the House of Lords, in order to disagree with the amendment. In the course of the conversation I think I convinced him of the contrary, and his declarations were, that he was fully resolved, in all points and situations, to keep himself upon Mr. Pitt's ground and mine; which he will this day give to understand very clearly. On Tuesday, the debate in the House of Commons, upon the second reading, was of the most superlative dullness. Lord John Cavendish persisted in making a motion for an address, similar to that moved in the Lords by Lord Lyttelton, contrary, as I learn, to the general opinion of a previous meeting, and the protest of many others who were not there. The party in general would have gone with Mr. Pitt, if he had come up; and great were the expectations. Inability and meanness are the characteristics of this whole proceeding. I shall pass over the very uninteresting parts of this matter, and relate only the phenomenon of Moreton's (1) saying it was done at the Princess's desire; but the most inquisitive say, the King was taken by surprise, and that Lord Halifax did not observe to his Majesty the omission of his mother's name. Be that as it may, open war seems to be declared between the court and the administration, and men are gazing to see which side will be victorious." (1) Chief justice of Chester, and member for Abingdon. motion yesterday, seconded by Kynaston, without a speech, and thirded by the illustrious Sam. Martin. The speech of the first was dull, and of the latter very injudicious; saying, that the House of Lords had passed a stigma on the Princess of Wales, disclaiming all knowledge of her wishes, but concluding with a strong affirmative. George Onslow opposed the motion with very bad reasons; Lord Palmerston with much better. George Grenville seemed to convey, that the alteration made in the Lords was not without the King's knowledge; but that, to be sure, in his opinion, such a testimony of zeal and affection which now manifested itself in the House of Commons, in favour of his royal mother, could not but prove agreeable to his Majesty, and that therefore he should concur in it. The Cocoa-tree have thus capacitated her royal highness to be regent: it is well they have not given us a king, if they have not; for many think Lord Bute is king. No division; many noes. (') (1) On the following day, when the amendment was reported, the House divided; for it 167, against it 37.* "But now," continues Walpole, "to unfold all this black scene; it comes out, that the Bedfords had stirred up our fools to do what they did not dare to do themselves. Old Newcastle had even told me, that unless we opposed the Princess, the Duke of Bedford would not. To-morrow our correction goes to the Lords. It will be a day of wonderful expectation, to see in what manner they will swallow their vomit. When the bill shall be passed, the eyes of mankind will turn to see what will be the consequence. The Princess, and Lord Bute, and the Scotch, do not affect to conceal their indignation. If Lord Halifax is even reprieved, the King is more enslaved to a cabal than ever his I think of returning to town on Saturday, for a a month! TEMPLE.() grandfather was. One remedy is obvious, and at which, after such insults and provocations, were I Lord Bute, I should not stick. I would deliver myself up, bound hand and foot, to Mr. Pitt, rather than not punish such traitors and wretches, who murmur, submit, affront, and swallow, in the most ignominious manner – ‘Oh, il faudra qu'il y vienne,' as Leonore says in the Marquis de Roselle, il y viendra.'" The bill, with the amendment, passed the Lords. On the 15th of May, when the King went in person to give it the royal assent, a mob of journeymen silk-weavers proceeded to St. James's, with black flags, for the purpose of petitioning for relief, under pretence that they were reduced to a state of starvation, by the encouragement of French silks. They also surrounded both houses of parliament, and insulted the members. In the evening, the mob assaulted Bedford-house, and began to pull down the walls; but were eventually dispersed by the soldiery. (1) Mr. Burke, in a letter to Mr. Flood, of the 18th of May, thus states his view of the political prospect at this moment:"There is a strong probability that new men will come in, and not improbably with new ideas: at this very instant, the causes productive of such a change are strongly at work. The Regency bill has shown such a want of concert and want of capacity in ministers, such an inattention to the honour of the Crown, if not a design against it, such imposition and surprise upon the King, and such a misrepresentation of the disposition of parliament to the Sovereign, that there is no doubt a fixed resolution to get rid of them all (except perhaps of Grenville); but principally of the Duke of Bedford: so that you will have much more reason to be surprised to find the ministry standing by the end of next week, than to hear of their entire removal." Three days previous to the date of Mr. Burke's letter, the Duke of Cumberland had actually entered into a negotiation with Lord Temple and Mr. Pitt, respecting a change, and THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND TO MR. PITT. MR. PITT, Richmond Lodge, June 17, 1765. I THIS moment, with the utmost joy, receive his Majesty's commands, to desire you would attend first applied to the former for his conditions. The Duke did not object to them, but required that the Earl of Northumberland should be at the head of the treasury: to this Lord Temple replied, that he never would come into office under Lord Bute's lieutenant; and here the conference broke off. On the 19th, the Duke waited on Mr. Pitt, at Hayes; where he was met by Lord Temple, and the subject renewed. Mr. Pitt declared, he was ready to go to St. James's, " if he could carry the constitution along with him." The next day, Lord Frederick Cavendish was sent from the Duke to Mr. Pitt, with a modification of the proposal respecting Lord Northumberland; and Mr. Pitt returned the same answer. The situation of first lord of the treasury was then offered to Lord Lyttelton, who desired to consult Lord Temple and Mr. Pitt; thereupon, his Royal Highness, convinced that no advantage could be derived from further negotiation, advised the King to continue his present servants. "On the following day," says Walpole, "they dictated their terms: they demanded a royal promise, of never consulting Lord Bute; secondly, the dismission of Mr. Stuart Mackenzie from the direction of Scotland; thirdly, and lastly, for they could go no further, the Crown itself; or, in their words, the nomination of Lord Granby to be captain-general. The King expressed his anger and astonishment, and bade them return at ten at night for his answer; but, before that, he sent the chancellor to the junto, consenting to displace Mackenzie, refusing to promise not to consult Lord Bute, though acquiescing to his not interfering in business, but with a peremptory refusal to the article of Lord Granby. They took till next morning to advise on their answer, when they gave up the point of Lord Granby, but demanded Mackenzie's place for Lord Lorn, and the instant removal of Lord Holland; both which have been granted. Charles Townshend is pay-master, and Lord Wey him at the Queen's-house, on Wednesday, at ten in the morning, below stairs. He allows for the mouth viceroy of Ireland; so Lord Northumberland remains on the pavé." The following is Mr. Stuart Mackenzie's own account of his removal, in a letter to Mr. Mitchell, dated Hill-street, June 4 - The Duke of Cumberland's advice to his Majesty, to send for the present people again, was seconded by two men, no less attached to the King, nor no less bound in council, than the Duke himself; I mean the Lord Chancellor and Lord Egmont. His Majesty, offended in the highest degree with the insolence offered him by his present ministers, would have put any mortal in their places, that could have carried on business, if the three great personages above mentioned could have suggested to him any plan for that purpose. And they undoubtedly would have done it, if they could; as there is no animal on the face of the earth, that the Duke has a more thorough contempt for, or a greater aversion to, than Grenville. However, as no other remedy could be found, his Majesty sent for these people again. They, on their part, demanded certain terms, without which they declined coming in; the principal of which was, that I should be dismissed from the administration of the affairs of Scotland, and (on a further explanation) likewise from the office of privy-seal. His Majesty answered, that as to the first, it would be no great punishment, he believed, to me, as I had never been very fond of the employment; but that as to the second, I had his promise to continue it for life. Grenville replied to this purpose, In that case, Sir, we must decline coming in.' 'No,' says the King, I will not, on that account, put the whole kingdom in confusion, and leave it without a government at all; but I will tell you how that matter stands; that he has my royal word to continue in the office: and if you force me, from the situation of things, to violate my royal word, remember you are responsible for it, and not I.' Upon that very solemn charge, Grenville answered, Sir, we must make some arrangement for Mr. Mackenzie.' The King replied, ‘If I know any thing of him, he will give himself very little trouble about your arrangements for him.' "His Majesty afterwards sent for me to his closet; where I was a very considerable time with him, and if it were possible |