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the faith of some of his proselytes. To be turned out by a monarchical government, and afterwards by a republican one, would have been a pretty convincing proof, that he was friendly to no government whatever. I sincerely believe that he hated, and that he still hates, the general government of the United States (as at present happily established), as much as the government of Great Britain. But it was necessary that he should find out something to hold up to the imitation of the English; no matter what, so as it differed from what they possessed. Being obliged, therefore, to make this use of the American government, he was the more anxious to hide the truth with respect to his dismission; for how aukward would it have looked, at the end of his pompous encomiums on the government of America, to add, this was the government that turned

me out!

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In August 1782, Thomas Paine published a controversial letter to the Abbé Raynal, in consequence of the latter. author's publication of his history of the Revolution of America. Absurd as were the general principles which Paine had advanced in his Common Sense, Raynal being in great distress for want of something to say on the 'occasion, had adopted some of them. Paine reclaimed what was his own, and controverted much of the rest that the Abbé said.-His next produc'tion was a letter to the Earl of Shelburne, on the effects likely to arise to Great Britain from the acknowledged independence of America.'

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His labours had not yet received any substantial reward. He, in the mean time, suffered all 'the miseries of penury. He now solicited the American Assemblies to grant some recompence 'for the services by which he had contributed to the establishment of their independence. NewYork bestowed on him lands of little value at

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New Rochelle! Pennsylvania granted him five hundred pounds.'

In the autumn of 1786, he departed for France, after having, at New-York, seduced a young wo'man of a reputable family. In the beginning of the year 1787, he arrived in Paris, and exhibited 'before the French academy of sciences, the model of a bridge of peculiar construction.'

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On the 3d of September, in this same year, 'Thomas Paine arrived at the White Bear, in Piccadilly, London, after an absence of thirteen years 'from Britain.-His old friends recollected him; although he might have been better satisfied to ' have been forgotten by some of them.'

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Before the end of 1787, he published a pamplet, intituled Prospects on the Rubicon, &c.-In the year 1788, he was busy at Rotherham, in Yorkshire, about the casting of an iron arch for the bridge of which he had presented a model to the French academy. This bridge proved merely an expensive project, by which the contriver was impoverished, and the community not benefited. At Rotherham, his familiarities became disagreeable to the women.'

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Through various circumstances, Paine became indebted to Whiteside, the American merchant, whom he had employed to receive his remittances, and to furnish his expenses, in the sum of six hundred and twenty pounds. Upon the bankruptcy ' of Whiteside, Paine was arrested by order of the assignees, at the White Bear, Piccadilly, on the 29th of October 1789. He remained for three weeks, confined in a spunging house, till he was at length relieved by the kind interference of two ⚫ eminent American merchants, Messrs. Clagget and • Murdock.'

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Meanwhile, Paine had, during his involuntary ' retirement, listened eagerly to the news of the

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rising commotions in France. Soon after he was set at liberty, therefore, he crossed the Channel, ' in order to be a nearer spectator of events in which he rejoiced. He returned to England about the 'time of the publication of Mr. Burke's pamphlet 6 on the French Revolution. His next work was an answer to Mr. Burke, in the First Part of his Rights of Man.'

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This work was published on the 13th of March 1791, by a Mr. Jordan in Fleet-street. Conscious of the seditious falsehoods which he had advanced in it, Paine dreaded even then the inquiries of the King's messengers, and sought concealment in the house of his friend, Mr. Brand Hollis ; while it was industriously given out by those in his secret, that he had hastily departed for Paris.'

The work which caused these fears, was perfectly of that cast, by which superficial readers and thinkers are most readily affected; grossly invective, frequently quibbling, confounding generals with particulars, and particulars with generals, audaciously bold, and speaking the language of prevalent prejudices. It was, besides, warmly recommended to the people by a Society, who took the denomination of Constitutional.

In the middle of May, after having thus laboured to enlighten or confound the British nation, Paine returned to Paris. While sojourning there, he entered into a controversy with Emanuel Syeyes, who had been chiefly active in framing the new constitution of France; Syeyes in defence of that limited monarchy which the new constitution had established; Paine, against the whole hell of monarchy, to use his own words. This controversy was soon dropped.'

On the 13th of July 1791, Paine again arrived at the White Bear in Piccadilly, just in time to assist in the celebration of the anniversary of the

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• French Revolution. He did not, however, ap6 pear at the public dinner on the following day. But he joined the celebrators about eight o'clock in the evening; when the people, enraged to see them brave the laws, and exult in events unfriendly to the happiness of Britain, had assembled tumultuously to drive them away from the Crown and Anchor Tavern, the place of their meeting. Mortified at finding those hostile to them, whom they had hoped to seduce to become the instruments of their turbulence, our republicans published, on the 20th of August 1791, from the Thatched House Tavern, a seditious declaration, the writing of Paine, which obliged the innkeeper to forbid them his house.'

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After these transactions, Paine was preparing to visit Ireland, in the character of an apostle of democracy, when he learned that the Irish were already so well acquainted with his real character, that he might probably meet with an unfavourable • reception. On this news, he retired in disgust, to Greenwich.'

On the 4th of November 1791, he assisted, on the eve of the gunpowder plot, at the accustomed commemoration of the 5th of November, by the • Revolution Society. He was thanked for his Rights of Man; and gave for his toast, the Revolution of the World?'

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Immediately after this, preparing to bring forth the Second Part of his Rights of Man, he hid himself in Fetter-lane. None knew where he was concealed, except Mr. Horne Tooke, whose friendly care corrected the inaccuracies of his style, and Mr. Chapman, who was employed to print his book. At Mr. Chapman's table he occasionally spent a pleasant evening, after the solitary labours of the day. After this commodious intercourse had subsisted for several months,

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Paine was somehow moved to insult Mr. Chap'man's wife ;* in consequence of which the printer turned him out of doors with indignation ; exclaiming that he had no more principle than a post, and no more religion than a ruffian.

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Paine has ascribed a different origin to this quarrel with his printer: but, it is proper that even in so small a matter the truth should be known. A false tale was held out to the public, as is stated ' at length in Mr. Oldys's pamphlet: and that part of the work which had been rejected by Mr. Chapman was transferred to a Mr. Crowther.'

This Second Part was at length printed and published: being recommended by the same qualities as the First, it met with a similar reception. Its author, finding that he had now excited against ' himself the strongest abhorrence of all the worthier part of the nation, thought it prudent to retire to France. In the mean time he printed a letter to Mr. Secretary Dundas, and another to Lord Onslow, the absurd scurrility of which, might be supposed matchless; were it not that the same author has since exceeded it in an Address to the • Addressers upon his Majesty's proclamation for the suppression of seditious writings,-and in a Letter to the National Convention of France.'

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His actions and writings, however little credit they may have done him in Britain, recommended him to a seat in the French Convention.'

It would be difficult for him to find any other assembly in the world in which he would be not less respectable than most of the leaders. To what issue this last preferment of his may lead, it is not easy to predict. But, from the complexion of some of the late sittings of the Convention, it

* See Chapman's testimony on oath; Paine's trial.

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