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From the Aurora, of 16th November, 1796.

AUTHENTIC.

Le Citoyen P. A. Adet prévient ses concitoyens, que par ordre du directoire exécutif il a aujourd'hui notifié à M. Le SECRÉTAIRE D'ETAT la suspension des fonctions de ministre plénipotentiaire de la République Françoise, près des Etats-Unis d'Amérique, et qu'en conséquence de ladite suspension, ils doivent, à partir de ce jour, adresser leurs demandes, ou reclamations, au consul-général, ou aux consuls particuliers de la République. A Philadelphie, le 25 Brumaire, l'an 5eme de la

République Françoise, une et indivisible (le 15 Novembre, 1796, V. S.)

P. A. ADET.

TRANSLATION. Citizen P. A. Ader informs his fellow-citizens, that by order of the executive directory, he has this day notified to the SECRETARY OF STATE, the suspension of the functions of the minister plenipotentiary of the French Republic, near the United States of America; and, that in consequence of the said suspension, they must from this day, address their demands or claims to the consul general of the Republic, or to the consuls of particular places. At Philadelphia, the 25th Brumaire, the 5th

year of the French Republic, one and indivisible, (the 15th of November, 1796, O. S.)

Ву

By the notification signed P. A. Adet, in this day's paper, it appears, that the minister of the French Republic has, by order of his government, suspended his ministerial functions here. Mr. Ader's note, communicating this determination, has been handed to us (Bache] for publication. Its length prevents its immediate publication ; but, to satisfy the impatience of the public, we shall give in a day or two, a sketch of its contents. The dissatisfaction of the French government, at the conduct of our executive towards them, is the ground of the measure.

From the Aurora, of 21st November, 1796.

AUTHENTIC.

Translation of a Note from the Minister of the French

Republic, to the Secretary of State of the United
States.

Legation of Philadelphia. The undersigned minister plenipotentiary of the French Republic, now fulfils to the secretary of state of the United States, a painful but sacred duw. He claims, in the name of American honour, in the name of the faith of treaties, the execution of that contract which assured to the United States their existence, and which France regarded as the pledge of the most sacred union between two people, the freest upon earth : In a word, he announces to the secretary of state, the resolution of a government, terrible to its enemies, but generous to its allies.

It would have been pleasing to the undersigned minister plenipotentiary, to have only to express, on the present occasion, the attachment which his governinent bears to the American people, the vows which it forins for their prosperity, for their happiness. His heart therefore is grieved at the circumstances which impose upon him a different task. With regret, he finds himself compelled to substitute the tone of reproach for the language of friendship. With regret also, his government has ordered him to take that tone ; but that very friendship has rendered it indispensable. Its obligations sacred to men; are as sacred to governments; and if a friend offended by a friend, can justly com- plain, the government of the United States, after the undersigned minister plenipotentiary shall have traced the catalogue of grievances of the French Republic, will not be surprised to see the executive directory manifesting their too just discontents.

When Europe rose up against the Republic at its birth, menaced it with all the horrors of war and of famine; when on every side the French could not calculate upon any but enemies, tlieir thoughts turned towards America ; a sweet sentiment then mingled itself with those proud sentiments, which the presence of danger and the desire of repelling it produced in their hearts. In America, they saw friends. Those who went to brave tempests and death upon the ocean, forgot all dangers in order to indulge the hope of visiting that American continent, where, for the first time, the French colours had been displayed in farour of liberty. Under the guarantee of the law of nations, under the protecting shade of a solemn treaty, they expected to find in the ports of the United States, an asylum as sure as at home; they thought, if I may use the expression, there to find a second country. The French government thought as they

alies.

did. Oh! hope, worthy of faithful people, how hast thou been deceived ! So far from offering to the French the succours which friendship might have given without compromising it, the American government, in this respect, violated the letter of treaties.

The 17th article of the treaty of amity and commerce of 1778, states, that French vessels of war, and those of the United States, as well as those which shall have been armed for war by individuals of the two States, may freely conduct where they please, the prizes they shall have made upon their enemies, without being subject to any admiralty or other duty; without the said vessels, on entering into the harbours or ports of France, or of the United States, being liable to be arrested or seized, or the officers of those places taking cognizance of the validity of the said prizes : which may depart and be conducted freely, and in full liberty to the places expressed in their commissions, which the captains of the said vessels shall be obliged to show: and that on the contrary, no shelter or refuge shall be given to those who shall have made prizes upon the French, or Americans; and that if they should be forced by sress of weather, or the danger of the sea to enter, they shall be made to depart as soon as possible.

In contempt of these stipulations, the French , privateers have been arrested in the United States, as well as their prizes: the tribunals have taken cognizance of the validity or invalidity of those prizes. It were vain to seek to justify these proceedings under the pretext of the right of vindicating the compromised neutrality of the United States. The facts about to be stated, will prove, that this pretext has been the source of shocking persecutions against the French privateers, and that ihe conduct of the federal government has been but

a series

a series of violations of the 17th article of the treaty

of 1778.

On the 4th of August, 1793, a circular letter of the secretary of the treasury was sent to all the collectors of the customs. It accompanied regulations adopted by the president, prohibiting all armaments in favour of the belligerent powers. These regulations immediately acquired the force of law, and the agents of the government, and the tribunals concurred in their execution. They gave them a retrospective effect, and caused to be seized, in the ports of the United States, the armed vessels and prizes which had come in prior to that time. But even before these regulations, adopted by the president, had established any rule whatever upon the prohibition of armaments, the tribunals had already, by order of the government, assumed the cognizance of prizes made by French vessels. (No. 1.) One of the predecessors of the undersigned protested against this, but in vain. The tribunals still continued their prosecutions.

On the 3d of December, 1793, the president asked of Congress, a law confirming the measures contained in the letter from the secretary of the treasury, above mentioned. (No. 2.) This law was passed the 5th June, 1794. What was its result? In consequence of this law, the greater part of the French privateers had been arrested, as well as their prizes, not upon formal depositions, not upon established testimony, not upon a necessary body of proofs, but upon the simple information of the consul of one of the powers at war with the French Republic, frequently upon that of sailors of the enemy powers, sometimes according to the orders of the governors, but often upon the demand of the district attorneys, who assert, upon principles avowed by the government, (No. 3.) that their conviction was sufficient to authorize them, with

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