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the faith of some of his proselytes. To be turned out by a monarchical government, and afterwards by a republican one, would have been a pretty convincing proof, that he was friendly to no government whatever. I sincerely believe that he hated, and that he still hates, the general government of the United States (as at present happily established), as much as the government of Great Britain. But it was necessary that he should find our soinething to hold up to the imitation of the English ; no matter what, so as it differed from what they possessed. Being obliged, therefore, to make this use of the American government, he was the more anxious to hide the truth with respect to his dismission; for how aukward would it have looked, at the end of his pompöùs encomiums on the government of America, to add, this was the government that turned me out !
• In August 1782, Thomas Paine published a controversial letter to the Abbé Raynal, in conse
quence of the latter. author's publication of his • history of the Revolution of America. Absurd as
were the general principles which Paine had ad"vanced in his Common Sense, Raynal being in
great distress for want of something to say on the
occasion, had adopted some of them. Paine re' claimed what was his own, and controverted much • of the rest that the Abbé said.-His next produc
tion was a letter to the Earl of Shelburne, on the
effects likely to arise to Great Britain from the ' acknowledged independence of America.'
· His labours had not yet received any substan• tial reward. He, in the mean time, suffered all ' the miseries of penury. He now solicited the
American Assemblies to grant some recompence • for the services by which he had contributed to
the establishment of their independence. New• York bestowed on him lands of little value at
· New Rochelle ! Pennsylvania granted him five - hundred pounds.'
• In the autumn of 1786, he departed for France, • after having, at New-York, seduced a young wo
man of a reputable family. In the beginning of s the year 1787, he arrived in Paris, and exhibited • before the French academy of sciences, the model of a bridge of peculiar construction.'
• On the 3d of September, in this same year, « Thomas Paine arrived at the White Bear, in Picca
dilly, London, after an absence of thirteen years from Britain.-His old friends recollected him ;
although he might have been better satisfied to ' have been forgotten by some of them.'
Before the end of 1787, he published a pamplet, intituled Prospects on the Rubicon, &c.-In 'the year 1788, he was busy at Rotherham, in
Yorkshire, about the casting of an iron arch for the bridge of which he had presented a model to the French academy. This bridge proved merely an expensive project, by which the con
triver was impoverished, and the community not i benefited. At Rotherham, his familiarities be6 came disagreeable to the women.'
Through various circumstances, Paine became indebted to Whiteside, the American merchant,
whom he had employed to receive his remittances, " and to furnish his expenses, in the sum of six • hundred and twenty pounds. Upon the bankruptcy
of Whiteside, Paine was arrested by order of the assignees, at the White Bear, Piccadilly, on the
29th of October 1789. He remained for three ' weeks, confined in a spunging house, till he was
at length relieved by the kind interference of two • eminent American merchants, Messrs. Clagget and • Murdock.'
. Meanwhile, Paine had, during his involuntary * retirement, listened eagerly to the news of the
rising commotions in France. Soon after he was ' set at liberty, therefore, he crossed the Channel, ' in order to be a nearer spectator of events in which • he rejoiced. He returned to England about the 6 time of the publication of Mr. Burke's pamphlet
on the French Revolution. His next work was an answer to Mr. Burke, in the First Part of his Righls of Man.' . This work was published on the 13th of March 1791, by a Mr. Jordan in Fleet-street. Conscious of the seditious falsehoods which he had advanced
in it, Paine dreaded even then the inquiries of • the King's messengers, and sought concealment ' in the house of his friend, Mr. Brand Hollis ; · while it was industriously given out by those in • his secret, that he had hastily departed for Paris.'
« The work which caused these fears, was perfectly of that cast, by which superficial readers ' and thinkers are most readily affected ; grossly
invective, frequently quibbling, confounding ge• nerals with particulars, and particulars with ge
nerals, audaciously bold, and speaking the language of prevalent prejudices. It was, besides, warmly recommended to the people by a Society, who took the denomination of Constitutional.'
* In the middle of May, after having thus la.boured to enlighten or confound the British na• tion, Paine returned to Paris. While sojourning
there, he entered into a controversy with Emanuel Syeyes, who had been chiefly active in framing
the new constitution of France ; Syeyes in de' fence of that limited monarchy which the new con
stitution had established ; Paine, against the whole ' hell of monarchy,—to use his own words. This controversy was soon dropped.'
On the 13th of July 1791, Paine again arrived ' at the White Bear in Piccadilly, just in time to • assist in the celebration of the anniversary of the
• French Revolution. He did not, however, ap
pear at the public dinner on the following day. But he joined the celebrators about eight o'clock
in the evening; when the people, enraged to see "them brave the laws, and exult in events un
friendly to the happiness of Britain, had assembled
tumultuously to drive them away from the Crown ' and Anchor Tavern, the place of their meeting. 'Mortified at finding those hostile to them, whom
they had hoped to seduce to become the instruments of their turbulence, our republicans pub
lished, on the 20th of August 1791, from the * Thatched House Tavern, a seditious declaration,
the writing of Paine, which obliged the inn' keeper to forbid them his house.'
After these transactions, Paine was preparing to visit Ireland, in the character of an apostle of democracy, when he learned that the Irish were
already so well acquainted with his real character, ' that he might probably meet with an unfavourable • reception. On this news, he retired in disgust,
« On the 4th of November 1791, he assisted, on • the eve of the gunpowder plot, at the accustomed 6 commemoration of the 5th of November, by the • Revolution Society. He was thanked for his " Rights of Man; and gave for his toast, the Revo
lution of the IVorld.'
• Immediately afier this, preparing to bring forth 'the Second Part of his Rights of Man, he hid
himself in Fetter-lane. None knew where he was concealed, except Mr. Horne Tooke, whose friendly care corrected the inaccuracies of his style, and Mr. Chapman, who was employed to print his book.
At Mr. Chapman's table he oce casionally spent a pleasant evening, after the solitary labours of the day. After this commodious intercourse had subsisted for several months,
* Paine was somehow moved to insult Mr. Chap• man's wife ;* in consequence of which the prin
ter turned him out of doors with indignation ; exclaiming that he had no more principle than a post, and no more religion than a ruffian.'
Paine has ascribed a different origin to this quarrel with his printer: but, it is proper that even (in so small a matter the truth should be known. A false tale was held out to the public, as is stated
at length in Mr. Oldys's pamphlet : and that part • of the work which had been rejected by Mr. Chapman was transferred to a Mr. Crowther.'
"This Second Part was at length printed and 'published: being recommended by the same quali• ties as the First, it met with a similar reception. • Its author, finding that he had now excited against
himself the strongest abhorrence of all the worthier part of the nation, thought it prudent to retire to France. In the mean time he printed a letter
to Mr. Secretary Dundas, and another to Lord • Onslow, the absurd scurrility of which, might • be supposed matchless; were it not that the same ( author has since exceeded it in an Address to the • Addressers upon his Majesty's proclamation for
the suppression of seditious writings,—and in a · Letter to the National Convention of France.'
• His actions and writings, however little credit " they may have done him in Britain, recommendred him to a seat in the French Convention.'
. It would be difficult for him to find any other • assembly in the world in which he would be not ' less respectable than most of the leaders. To what
issue this last preferment of his may lead, it is not easy to predict. But, from the complexion of some of the late sittings of the Convention, it
* See Chapman's testimony on oatb; Paine's trial.