be delayed, he himself was most anxious | for one day longer than was actually necesthat no such hesitation should take place. sary a government which had failed in He rejoiced, therefore, to see the Bill introduced, although he must confess he had doubts as to the policy of some of its provisions. Those points, however, would undergo discussion at a later stage, when his doubts would either be removed, or be confirmed and strengthened. He certainly admitted that it would have been desirable that the Committee should have been appointed at an earlier period-if it had been nominated the year previously; but still, with regard to the statement, that because a Committee of Inquiry into Indian Affairs was still sitting, that therefore the House of Commons should adjourn the discussion of any Indian question until the report of that Committee should be agreed uponsuch a conclusion appeared to him wholly unjustified by the circumstances of the case. There were quite sufficient data for the House to go upon in discussing the question of the form of government of India; and the Committee would still continue its inquiries into subjects affecting the administrative departments. Delay in legislation seemed to him unnecessary, because, although the Committee would have to continue its labours, still they were in a position to judge of the general nature of the evidence, and, what was of great importance, of showing to the natives of India the anxiety of the House of Commons to inquire into their condition and situation. The danger of delay did not rest upon any letter of Lord Dalhousie's, but was apparent; for it was evident that if they weakened the power of the present Government by delaying the settlement of this question, by hanging up authority in abeyance as it were, and by advertising that there was going to be a new system, they would excite both Englishmen and Indians to agitate for two or three years, in order to determine the character of that new system, and would thus inflict an injury which no subsequent good government could rectify; for it was, in his mind, impossible to inflict a greater curse upon a country than at one and the same time to denounce its government as bad, and to announce its continuance. The announcement that this country was going to support for three years a government which it allowed to be bad, and was then going to introduce a new form of government, could not fail to produce considerable agitation. It was the duty of this country to provide the best possible government for India, but not to continue satisfying the expectations which had been of challenge to be bandied about from one side of the House to the other. He wished to guard against that. He wished to keep India, because he desired not to see the empire dismembered, the power of England broken, and her influence diminished; for in his heart he believed that our rule tended, not only to the welfare and glory of the British nation, but to the development and expansion of civilisation and freedom throughout the world. Keep India, then-keep it by good governmentkeep it by guarding it against itself, and those who were dangerous within it. This could be done only by keeping India out of the vortex of party politics, and there were no better means of effecting that object than by governing her by a body acting with the Crown, but whose election was independent of the Crown. He differed in one respect from the hon. Member for Manchester (Mr. Bright); he (Mr. Thomas Baring) believed they could not have a worse Council for India than one composed entirely of men who had spent thirty or forty years of their lives in that part of the world MR. BRIGHT explained, that he had said he preferred nominees only without elected members; but that it would be unfortunate to have a Council entirely com posed of persons who had resided in India. minds of the people, and of having, in his opinion, saved the native population from all the horrors of international warfare and dissensions, and also from foreign attack. He wished to see the government of India, not in the hands of the Crown, uncontrolled by some independent and differently elected body-not in the hands of the Crown, as we had seen our colonies and other possessions-but he wished to see by the side of the government of the Crown-because no one could imagine that they could separate the general policy of India from that of England-a government so constituted as to be independent of political influences and associations, and which should not earn its position by political services rendered to one Minister or another. He should wish to see such a state of things that the security and the welfare of India should not be secondary objects, as compared with some ephemeral party triumph. With regard to the education of the natives, he was desirous of promoting any system which would encourage education in India, and was prepared to support every act which had that tendency; but he must say that, looking into the vista of futurity, he could see no prospect of the native population ever being fit to exercise a government of their own, which would afford security from dissension at home and from foreign attack, and that on account of their differing among MR. T. BARING was glad to find the themselves in such a way that the union of hon. Member had discovered that bankers the various tribes would seem to be impos- and brewers, "and persons of that sort," sible. On the question of the government were not as bad as he had once supposed of India, he would not confide it to any them to be. It was gratifying to find that person in the country itself without his the hon. Member agreed with him in thinkbeing under the immediate control of the ing there would be no wisdom in forming Home Government; for if such were the an administration from one class. Many case, the welfare of the natives would, in persons would hesitate before giving in his opinion, be jeopardised. As a friend their adhesion to a government of lawyers; to India, he wished to see a form of govern- exception might even be taken to a merment established which, while it exercised cantile administration; and, with due deall the powers of the Crown, would be still ference to the hon. Member for Manchester, advised and controlled, as controlled it he must express a doubt whether a cottonwould be, by the moral influence of a body spinners' administration would obtain genof men well informed as to the state of eral confidence. Persons who served in India, independent in their own position, India for a considerable period usually Occupying a station in society, and tho- returned with certain fixed ideas. They roughly acquainted with the subject, which might have great knowledge of Indian must exert an influence upon any Minister, matters, but they lacked the knowledge and check every attempt to make India which was essential in such a council-the means of obtaining a party triumph. namely, of English affairs and English He would ask the House to look at the feelings-and sound sense, which could be other colonies, such as Ceylon, the Cape of acquired only by contact with English soGood Hope, and Australia, and to remem- ciety and bodies of intelligent men in this ber the party struggles which every colo- country. If we were about to constitute nial question had given rise to; and he the East India Company's electoral body, would express his hope that India might it, doubtless, would be possible to improve not, in company with them, become a word it; but, at any rate, it was not swayed by 66 one political feeling, and was not under the apparent anomalies, should say to us, influence of the Crown. The system of "You must get rid of all these things canvassing was probably objectionable, and before you effect any improvement in your might, perhaps, be discontinued with pro- laws and the administration of justice,' priety; but this might be looked upon as the law reformer would reply, No; let certain that when a man came forward us apply practical remedies to acknowas a candidate for the directorship-how-ledged evils-let us reform, not revoluever defective his qualifications might be tionise-let us satisfy the real wants of the in other respects-his integrity was un- country at the risk of leaving ungratified tainted, and his honour unstained. He was the ephemeral wishes of a passing agitanot there either to defend the East India tion." Apply the same rule to India. Company, or to bring charges against it. Improvement was what he desired, but he It must be acknowledged that in some re- thought it would be attained with more spects the country had reason to complain safety and assurance through the agency of the Indian Administration. There ap- of the existing machinery than by compeared to have been unnecessary delay in mencing operations by revolutionising the providing a code of laws for India. Then, whole Government. He felt strongly that the judicial administration had not under- the existing machinery was best calculated gone the improvement of which it was sus- to develop the resources of India, to imceptible. Public works also should have prove the condition of the people, and to received greater attention. Still, it must retain the country in connexion with the be recollected that these objections were British Crown. Among all his differences fairly met by the answer, "Look at our with the hon. Member for Manchester, revenue." How had the revenue been there was one point on which he was happy spent? In war. It could not be said to agree with him-namely, that this was that the Indian wars were always under- no question between Manchester and Estaken at the wish of the Company, nor sex, or between the Church and Nonconthat they would be less frequent if the formity. Let it be hoped also that it Company should be deprived of all power would not become a question between parand influence. A word with respect to the ties. The point at issue was one of too distribution of patronage. There might be great importance to be made a theme of individual cases of abuse; but it was im- party contention; and if he had on this ocpossible for any one who had sat on the casion spoken with more decision than, Indian Committee, or read the evidence perhaps, he was justified in doing, it was given before it, to deny that the patronage because he felt strongly on the subject. of the Company generally had been be- In listening to the able officers of the Comstowed on a body of men of whom any pany who had given evidence before the country might be prond. To his mind the Committee, he had become fully sensible of system which produced these men, which his own ignorance; but he had derived yet placed them in these offices, and which sub- another lesson from the same source-he sequently listened willingly to the severe had learnt the importance of caution in criticisms which they passed upon it, could making changes in India, and, above all, not be the worst in the world. No doubt, the necessity of preserving this great questhere were defects in the system. The tion from the blasting influence of party judicial business was not administered in a triumph, for party objects. way to please an intelligent Englishman ; but an intelligent Indian would have little difficulty in pointing out defects in our judicial system, and it might be asked whether the reforms which had been made in our system of justice dated from a very remote period. We complained of anomalies in the Indian Government; but surely a native could easily refer to what he might think anomalies here. Would he not hold up his hands in amazement at our Government of three powers, at the veto which was never used, and the rejection by one branch of the Legislature of a measure which had passed triumphantly through the other? If a Native, struck by these SIR HERBERT MADDOCK said, that notwithstanding the arguments which had been urged, and the high authorities that had been cited, he had heard nothing that had shaken the conviction he had formerly expressed, that it would be more advisable to postpone legislation on India, at least until next year, than to pass such a measure as the right hon. Gentleman had proposed. From communications he had had with persons connected with India, especially with the British Association of India in Calcutta, in reference to the appointment of a fit person as their agent to promote their views, he satisfied himself upon this point-that there was no expectation amongst the intelligent part of the com- I had been considered worthy of the considmunity that there would be another Act eration of the Crown. Hitherto no evil passed for India during the present Ses- had resulted from governing the country sion. The delay, so far from being dan in the name of the East India Company, gerous, would have shown the people of in consequence of the absolute ignorance India that the Legislature was disposed to which had prevailed among the Natives of proceed in this important matter with due India as to the position and power of that deliberation. He would not, for himself, body. There was something of the ignohowever, make any objection to the intro- tum in magnifico connected with it. The duction of the Bill proposed by the Govern- discussions, however, which had recently ment, although he entertained some strong taken place had rent asunder the veil which objections to many of its provisions. He had shielded the real position of the Comwas decidedly opposed to the system of a pany from the public eye, and it was not double government; notwithstanding all now to be conceived that the people of India, that he had heard in favour of the system who considered themselves the subjects of of a double government; he was of opinion the Queen, would in future consent to be that by means of sufficient inquiry and in subjection to a Company which posconsideration some plan might have been sessed no real power. It was now high arranged which would have enabled the time, for many reasons, for the Crown to House to have avoided the necessity of be directly represented in India. Among that form of government. This point, other reasons, he believed that the fidelity however, not having been gained, he was of the troops could not long be relied upon bound to confess that the Bill now pro- if they were to consider themselves merely posed to be introduced contained many as being subjected to the East India Compoints of improvement upon the existing pany. The failures in the administration system. The principal point which he of justice, and in other matters which had wished to impress upon the House was, been referred to, might, he believed, be that even though it might be admitted that attributed at times to the conduct of the the name of the East India Company was Company, and at others to that of the to be continued, and that the proprietors Crown, while some of the most illustrious of the East India Stock were still to be names connected with India, including those allowed to elect a certain proportion of of Cornwallis and Monro, were associated the Directors, still, it was not proper or with the greatest failures and errors. The just that India should continue to be proposal of the right hon. Baronet the Pregoverned in the name of that Company. sident of the Board of Control contemEvery witness who had been examined on plated the formation of a new Legislative that point before the Committee had ex- Council in Calcutta, a large proportion of pressed himself of opinion that justice which were to be permanent members. He should hereafter in India be administered doubted whether there would be sufficient directly in the name of the Crown; and it business of a legislative nature to occupy would not be compatible with such a state much of the time of those officers. There of things that the Governor General should was, however, one omission which he hoped carry on the administration in the name of to see supplied-no allusion had been made the East India Company. He disapproved to the employment in that Council of any of the continuance of the distinction be- of the Natives of the country; and he had tween the civil and military services of the not the slightest hesitation in saying that Crown and of the Company. It was true if there was any position in which the that the military servants of the East most distinguished of the Natives could be India Company received their commission placed with honour and advantage, it was from the Crown; but this was done only that of legislating for their fellow-countryfor the sake of convenience, in order to men; and there were many Hindoo and fix their relative rank, when serving in Mussulman gentlemen in Bengal and other the field or at court-martial, with the of parts of India who were fully competent ficers of the Queen's army; and while he to take part in the discharge of such duadmitted that in the military service the ties. He regretted to hear so accomplished rewards were distributed with equal libe- a classical scholar as the right hon. Barorality to both services, still in the civil net speak as he had done in a tone of disservice it had so happened that since the paragement of the study of the ancient institution of the civil class of the Order languages of India. The right hon. Genof the Bath, only two of its members tleman spoke with apparent triumph of the approaching extinction from the literature | so long as he remained an Hindoo. He of the country of the antiquated Sanscrit asked the House whether it was becoming and Arabic languages. He was surprised that a Government so constituted as the to find such an attack coming from so clas- Government of India was, should make sical a scholar as the right hon. Gentleman. itself a partisan in legislating upon a subThe right hon. Gentleman alluded to the ject of this kind? Was it right that the petition which he (Sir H. Maddock) pre- chief Minister of the Crown in India, in his sented some nights ago from the Hindoo place in that House, should express an inhabitants of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, opinion confirmatory of the apprehensions which was signed by 4,000 or 5,000 per- of the Hindoos, that this was the first sons. Now, that petition complained of a step in their present policy, and that it Court of Calcutta which was composed was probable it would be followed by other exclusively of Englishmen, who had no steps of a similar character? He most sympathy whatever in point of religion sincerely trusted that the House would either with Mahomedaus or Hindoos; they consider the question as one apart from all also complained of the Act of 1850, which party considerations, and under the sole they called the Missionary Act, and which feeling that it was the duty of this counthey alleged was passed in utter violation try, to which by the inscrutable decrees of of all engagements which had been made Providence a mighty empire had been with the people of India since the time of given, so to regulate our councils as that Lord Cornwallis to the present day. The they might be best adapted for promoting object of the Act they asserted to be to en- the benefit, happiness, and prosperity of courage converts from the Ilindoo religion India. to Christianity at the expense of the rights of the Hindoos, who continued faithful to their original faith. By the Hindoo law, when a man died intestate the eldest son succeeded to his property, on which was entailed the performance of certain duties of a religious character which he alone could discharge. It was the firm belief of all Hindoos that much of their happiness for the future depended upon the faithful observance of this law. Before this Act of 1850 came into operation, any of the IIindoo relatives would have a share in all other property except this particular kind of property. The Act, however, to which he referred made the convert to Christianity entitled to a share of this ancestral property, the rights and duties pertaining to which he was no longer qualified to perform. This Act had given the greatest dissatis faction to the natives of India, and they viewed it as a violation of all former engagements entered into with them, and a direct assault on their religion in favour of those who apostatised from it. He heard with regret the right hon. Gentleman give so decided an opinion that the principle of such a system was right, and that the Government should exercise the part of missionaries in proselytising the natives. As he understood the right hon. Gentleman, he had defended the policy of this measure on the ground that when a Hindoo became a Christian it was right that he should enjoy every advantage he would otherwise have possessed, forgetting that the advantage conferred upon him was only his right MR. DANBY SEYMOUR said, that he could not help feeling that from the course adopted with respect to the inquiry and proposed legislation, and from the little attention that had been paid to the various petitions from India, it would be thought throughout that country that sufficient care had not been taken of their interests and happiness by the British Government. In connexion with the question before them, he could not help looking at the composition of the Committee appointed to inquire into the Affairs of India. The Committee consisted of thirty-nine members, of whom thirty-one were either connected with the Government or with the East India Company, while of independent members, not connected with either, there were only eight. They had heard that night what were the views of the Chairman of the Committee with regard to this question; and everybody knew that when the Chairman of a Committee expressed decidedly a particular view, in which he was likely to be supported by a majority of the members, it was quite useless to bring witnesses before that Committee. It was an extraordinary fact, in connexion with the labours of this Committee, that having last year finished the question of the Home Government, it had been opened again, only three weeks ago, by the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Control. That certainly seemed to indicate that sufficient evidence had not been obtained on the subject of the Home Government; and yet the right |