after the inauguration ceremonies were over, they expected the turning-out of Republicans to begin and the faithful and long-suffering, who had waited twenty-four years for their share of the good things of the government, to be rewarded. Though aware that Cleveland was a socalled Civil Service Reformer, they failed to realize either the meaning of the doctrine or the sincerity of its champion; for, as one of their senators [Eustis] expressed it, they felt that the civil service reform for which they had voted at the presidential election meant the turning-out of office of Republicans and putting honest Democrats in their places. Visiting Washington during the spring of 1885, soon after the inauguration, Andrew D. White met Vice-President Hendricks, who "seemed sick and sore." He was especially bitter against the reform in the civil service. In truth he represented the old Democracy, many adherents of which wished at this time that he was in the White House instead of Cleveland. Before his inauguration, however, Cleveland had gone on record. In his Christmas Day (1884) reply to a letter of the National Civil Service Reform League, which he had invited, he said that he should enforce the Pendleton law "in good faith and without evasion," and he outlined his proposed course with regard to offices which, though not within the letter of the law, were at the same time unrelated to the political policy of an administration. Reference was here made to district attorneys, collectors and surveyors of customs and other specified civil officers who, by an act passed in 1820, had a four years' tenure of office; a later statute (1836) placed 1 See Grover Cleveland, Presidential Problems, 39. Autobiography, i. 215. under this rule the first, second and third class postmasters of the present classification. These Cleveland said he should not remove until the expiration of their terms unless they had failed to be "decent public servants" and had proved "offensive partisans." 1 In his inaugural address he repeated in more general terms this outline of his administrative policy. George William Curtis, the President of the National League, at their annual meeting (August, 1885) made a plea for the repeal of the fouryear tenure law, in which he undoubtedly represented an opinion largely held among reformers; and while this law may later have proved obstructive of the effort to extend the merit system to the class of offices that it covers, yet, in the change of party control from Republican to Democratic in 1885, it was a help to Cleveland in his effort for good administration. At that time according to both theory and practice of Democrat, Whig and Republican since Andrew Jackson, practically every office except the 15,573 in the classified service, belonged, by the decision of the people in the preceding November, to the Democratic party. Cleveland's construction of the four year tenure law gave him time to inquire, to investigate and to reflect before he made a large number of new appointments, and this opportunity for leisurely proceeding was of immense advantage, as is evident when we consider Lincoln's, Pierce's and Taylor's trials on their accession to office. When the Democratic politicians and party-workers, who had waited twenty-four years for an inning, came to understand the construction which Cleveland put upon 1 Writings and Speeches (1892), 41. his own words, they were grievously disappointed and disappointment was soon followed by rage. Within two months from his inauguration he had lost popularity and standing in his party. The President, said the chairman of the Democratic National Committee, has not, so far as I know, a friend among Democrats except perhaps some one whom he has appointed to office. Nor were men of the Democratic rank and file who had no desire for place, especially pleased. They would have liked him to put in force "the good old Democratic doctrine" of Andrew Jackson; but now having exuberantly rejoiced over their victory in November they were puzzled that no effort was made to gather its fruits. Senator Vance, of North Carolina, was indignant at the indifference and even disrespect with which he was treated by the President with regard to the patronage of his own State, but he saw the humorous side of the situation well enough to be reminded of one of his own legal cases which concerned a small estate left by an old man to his two sons. The settlement was repeatedly put off by the Court to the disgust of the heirs, until at last the elder son broke out, "Durned if I ain't almost sorry the old man died."1 "In the first year and a half of my administration," said Cleveland to a New York World reporter, "the same battle was fought day after day." A study of the conditions enables us to realize this and to sympathize with the President. At first the reformers were pretty well satisfied. The reappointment of Henry G. Pearson, the efficient Republican postmaster of New York City, and the reinstatement of Silas W. Burt, another Republican, 1 Clement Dowd, Vance, 220, 222. in the naval office, were considered excellent moves as showing high regard for the merit system; and such selections were evidence of resistance to an enormous amount of pressure from political friends and supporters. The appointments of a Democratic business man1 for collector of the port of New York and of a Democrat, who had declared for reform, as surveyor, and the advancement to the appraisership of a deputy and expert, were also proof of the President's sincerity. When Eaton tendered his resignation as Civil Service Commissioner (July 28, 1885) he gave testimony of the faithful enforcement of the Pendleton law and of the rules made in accordance therewith. Many changes however both good and bad were made in the Treasury department. As consistent a reformer as C. S. Fairchild was appointed Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, and "a bad specimen of the ward politician," Eugene Higgins, as appointment clerk of the Treasury department. Higgins it was said brought "disgrace and shame upon the administration and the cause of civilservice reform and decent politics"; and The Nation found a germ of truth in the remark of a distinguished Republican politician of New York. That appointment "will destroy the Cleveland administration, because it takes away the moral superiority that carried the election." 2 No President could reform at once the Post-Office Department, which since Jackson's time had been a happy hunting ground for spoilsmen. Vilas had not been long 1 The collector turned out to be a poor selection; he was unbusinesslike in his administration. 2 The Nation, March 19, 1885, p. 252, Sept. 22, 1887, p. 228. in office before he devised a plan for removing Republicans and rewarding faithful Democrats. During the first six months of Cleveland's administration 524 out of 2300 presidential post-offices had received new postmasters and 6309 changes among 49,000 fourth-class postmasters had been made, so that the Civil Service Record said with truth, "This is something of a sweep though far from a clean sweep."2 Working on the theory that as fast as vacancies occurred or could be made, Democrats should replace Republicans, it was natural and easy for a zealous Democratic Secretary or Postmaster-General to regard a Republican office-holder as an unworthy official and offensive partisan, and, helped by Democratic senators and congressmen, to wield with considerable effect the political axe. There was much available administrative talent in the United States, which was by no means confined to the Republican party, and competent Democrats might have been had for the lucrative positions, had senators and representatives based their recommendations on merit instead of on personal fealty and party work. They followed instead the custom which had been in force since Andrew Jackson's time, with the result that many bad appointments were made. The Indianapolis post-office under the management of the new Democratic postmaster was an example of offensive partisanship. Senator Gorman, of Mary 1 Circular of Apr. 29, 1885, Civil Service Record, iv. 102. 2 Sept. 1, 1885, v. 29, 32. 3 Theodore Roosevelt (N. A. Rev., Oct. 1885, 390) severely criticised this appointment. The Civil Service Commission investigated the management of his office and found that he had not violated the law but had come close to it and, in his removals and appointments, had been guilty of rather "offensive partisanship." Civil Service Record, v. 25–28. A committee of the National Civil Service Reform League, Curtis, Schurz, |