Tammany Hall. Tammany had opposed Cleveland's nomination but in September decided to support him owing, it was said, to a personal appeal to the "boss" by Hendricks, the candidate for Vice-President; 1 the returns however, would seem to indicate that no positive influence was exerted in favor of the Democratic candidate. Now the Republicans' appeal to the Irish was readily comprehensible. Although Blaine was of Scotch-Irish ancestry, his mother was a Roman Catholic and this consideration proved to be of great weight, enforced as it was by his consistent action during his public career in favor of the Irish. Cleveland's character was peculiarly obnoxious to them and scandal was busy in propagating stories which still further affected his hold, while on the other hand the use of public position to feather one's nest was not regarded by the Irish as so grievous a sin as irregular sexual relations. But the astute efforts of the Republican politicians were neutralized by a tactless remark of Reverend Dr. Burchard, the spokesman for a number of clergymen whom Blaine received at the Fifth Avenue Hotel [October 29]. "We are Republicans," Burchard declared, "and don't propose to leave our party and identify ourselves. with the party whose antecedents have been rum, Romanism and rebellion." 2 If Blaine heard the remark he did not fully comprehend its import and rebuke it with the readiness of which he was a master. It is easy to see how Irish Catholics might be turned from the support of a man who was supposed to listen with approval to words implying that they were addicted to rum and to an expression of contempt for their religion. 1 Sparks, 348; The Nation, Sept. 18. 2 The Nation, Nov. 6. Governor Cleveland applied himself faithfully to the duties of his office but, during the last days of the campaign he visited a few cities and made some excellent speeches. Schurz was everywhere a tower of strength but the inclusion of Henry Ward Beecher among the speakers for Cleveland was a mistake. His speech had "the true Beecher ring," declared The Nation. "One blast upon his bugle horn is worth ten thousand men." 1 And so it would have proved had not his public appearance revealed one of the most unfortunate incidents of American life. About ten years before Beecher had been accused of improper relations with the wife of a parishioner and friend; a public trial had resulted, the jury had disagreed and no one could truthfully aver that he had been vindicated. From the position that he occupied as pastor of a large congregation, a great orator, a widely known teacher of religion of unbounded influence, 1 October 23. 2 Oliver Wendell Holmes wrote to Motley July 26, 1874: “The most odious, repulsive, miserable, dragging piece of scandal this country has ever known. . . . Here is the most popular Protestant preacher, I think, that ever lived, a man whose church would be filled, if there was a bullfight in the next street—who gets a salary of twenty thousand dollars and is worth it to his church—who, as a lecturer, is handled by his impresario as if he were a prima donna, who has done more sensible effective, good-natured talking and writing to the great middle class and the 'unknown public' than any man we ever had in this country — with a good deal of Franklin's sense and humor, with a power of holding great assemblies like Whitfield, the best known and most popular private citizen, I suppose, we have ever had, a saint by inheritance and connections of every kind and yet as human as King David or Robert Burns here is this wonderful creature, popular idol, the hope of liberal orthodoxy, accused of reading the seventh commandment according to the version that left out the negative. There is no doubt that he has compromised himself with unsafe persons and brought grave suspicions on himself, but the hope is universal that his defence, yet to come, will show that he has been slandered, and that his own assertions of innocence will be made good by a thorough sifting of the testimony that is brought against him." Life of Holmes, Morse, ii. 209. he ought to have been above suspicion; yet the country liked him for his liberality of belief and power of statement and respected the quasi-seclusion he had maintained since the great trial. His appearance on the side of Cleveland in such a campaign gave rise to ribald jests especially annoying to friends of Cleveland and of Beecher. The first volume of Blaine's "Twenty Years of Congress" appeared during the campaign. It is impossible to say whether the book gained him voters but it is fully evident that a Democrat could not say with show of reason, "My desire is that mine adversary had written a book." The Republican party was stronger than the candidate. Many voted for Blaine on account of the tariff and financial record of the Republicans as contrasted with that of their opponents. Everybody had confidence in Cleveland for his belief in sound money and attitude toward a correct financial administration, but not the same faith in his party. The protective tariff men were strongly opposed to both Cleveland and the Democrats and were honestly convinced that the well-being of the nation depended on the continuance of the Republican party in power. This view was cogently represented by John Sherman, who urged frequently Blaine's election in public speech; and in private conversation he laid stress on the danger of committing the business interests of the country to the safeguard of the Democratic party.1 There were Republicans too who could not divest themselves of the feeling that the country could not safely be entrusted to the "solid South" assisted by a few Northern 1 Sherman, Rec. ii. 886; The Nation, Sept. 4. States, some of whose voters had opposed the war for the Union. Such considerations undoubtedly saved Blaine from a more decisive defeat, especially as the contentions of the New York and Massachusetts Mugwumps evoked a response in many Northern States. "The best laid schemes o' mice and men Gang aft a-gley." So must the Republican managers have thought as they reviewed the incidents of Blaine's visit to New York City. On the evening of the day on which Burchard had pronounced against "rum, Romanism and rebellion" there was held what has gone down into history as the "millionaires' dinner at Delmonico's." Blaine was escorted to his place by Cyrus W. Field and William M. Evarts; among the guests were Jay Gould,' Russell Sage, Henry Clews, and John Roach, a self-made man, a builder of ships and a strong protectionist. The speeches of Blaine and Evarts were given out to the Associated Press, but if The Nation's plausible account be accepted,' the banqueters held a secret meeting after dinner. Any one familiar with political affairs may guess that the purpose of this conclave was to raise the necessary funds for the closing six days of the campaign. During these last days the eyes of the country were upon New York City which had the predominant voice in the election. During the afternoon between Dr. Burchard's slip and the imprudent procedure of the millionaires, there was a business man's parade. "They were organized by profession or occupation: the lawyers 800 strong forming one battalion, the dry-goods men 1 For character of Jay Gould, see my History, vi. 247. 2 Nov. 6. another, the Produce Exchange a third, the bankers a fourth, the brokers a fifth, the jewellers a sixth, the Petroleum Exchange a seventh and so on ad infinitum." Marching from Bowling Green through Broadway, they were reviewed by Blaine at the foot of the Worth monument in Madison Square. "Rain fell incessantly and the streets were deep with mud but neither rain above nor mud below damped the spirits of this great army, which tramped steadily along chanting various campaign refrains, such as 'Five, Five, Five cent fare' but most frequently 'Blaine, Blaine, James G. Blaine We don't care a bit for the rain, Later in the week there was another Blaine parade, numbering, according to Bryce 60,000, while the Nation put it at 30,000, and on Saturday [November 1] the business men's parade in honor of Cleveland took place. "It was the most tremendous political demonstration ever seen in this country," declared The Nation. "It was not the numbers so much," continued this enthusiastic supporter of Cleveland, "as the character of the turnout that made it grand, imposing, prophetic. . . It was a thrilling sight. It was like the uprising of the people at the firing on Fort Sumter and the reason for it was the same: it was born of a determination to vindicate American honor and to avert a national catastrophe." 2 1 Bryce, American Commonwealth, ii. 202; The Nation, Nov. 6. 2 The Nation, Nov. 6; American Commonwealth, l. c. |