excited to embrace apostolical purity with the unanimous consent of the states of the kingdom. Edward's "Discourse about the Reformation of Many Abuses," suggested by Bucer's book "Concerning the Kingdom of Christ," written at the king's request, in which the remaining errors and corruptions of the English church are pointed out, shows conclusively that some at least of the Reformers, and the king himself, would gladly have gone much further than they did in purifying the church. Dr. Cox, the king's tutor, wrote to the learned Bullinger, of Zurich, in 1550, as follows: "I think all things in the church ought to be pure and simple, removed at the greatest distance from the pomps and elements of this world. But, in this our church, what can I do in so low a station? I can only endeavor to persuade our bishops to be of the same mind with myself. This I wish truly, and I commit to God the care and conduct of his own work." Mr. Neal tells us, on the authority of Bullinger, that Archbishop Cranmer was not satisfied with the liturgy," though it had been twice reformed." ‡

From the above extracts it appears that some

*Neal, 1. 121. See also Lasco's work on the Sacraments, prefatory epistle, in Strype, vol. 11. pt. 11. bk. 11. pp. 33-36.

† Burnet, vol. 11. pt. 11. bk. 1. p. 324-; and Edward's Remains, in Burnet, vol. 11. pt. 11. bk. 11. No. 2. Collier gives a pretty full abstract of Bucer's discourse "Concerning the Kingdom of Christ.” -Vol. v. pp. 397–408.

‡ Neal, 1. 123; Strype and Burnet, ut sup.

of the Reformers

the "fathers of the church of

England," as they are called had no thought that they had completed their work. Acting upon the principles which they had embraced, and surrounded with most serious and menacing difficulties, they did what they thought they could, leaving it in trust to those who should come after them to finish the work which they had bravely begun.*

*

* It is hardly necessary to say that the statement in the text is controverted by some able and learned churchmen. Mr. Lathbury, for example, says: "Many puritan writers, and some of our own church, have alleged, though without the slightest evidence, that our Reformers intended to have altered and rejected certain things which we retain. The puritans who lived at the time, and some moderate men who remained in the church, undoubtedly wished to proceed further; but the Reformers themselves understood their work, which was to restore, not to destroy; and they stopped at that point at which they believed their object would be accomplished. That some men of the period of the Reformation were anxious to go further is true; that the Reformers themselves ever entertained such a wish is contrary to fact.”. Pp. 120, 121. The only answer which these positive assertions require is a reference to the quoted sentiments of Cranmer, Cox, Grindal, Horn, and others, as given abundantly in the preceding pages.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE REIGN OF MARY, 1553-1558.

OF POPERY.

THE RESTORATION

THE reign of Mary Tudor can never be contemplated by a protestant without loathing, nor by an honest papist without shame. It is "all over mean and black." It is smeared with human blood. It has no redeeming feature. Still the record must stand on the pages of English history as an illustration of despotic, unrestrained Romanism, as a beacon-light to subsequent generations.

The English crown was settled on Mary by the will of her father and the act of parliament (35 Henry VIII.), in the event of Edward's death without issue. For, though Mary and Elizabeth had both, in turn, been declared illegitimate by Henry and his obedient parliaments, and their titles to the throne set aside, yet, in perfect consistency with their unparalleled inconsistency, Henry and his parliament finally recognized the titles of both sisters to the crown. Mary, therefore, as the elder sister, had an undoubted right to Edward's vacant throne. But the apprehended consequences of the reign of a bitter and exasperated papist, such as Mary was known to be, had been used by the

ambitious Duke of Northumberland to induce the dying Edward to disregard the will of his father and the act of parliament, and to set aside the claims of Mary and Elizabeth, and the queen of Scotland, and settle the succession on the daughter-in-law of the duke, the amiable and accomplished Lady Jane Grey, whose mother, the Duchess of Suffolk, stood next to Henry's own daughters in the line of succession established by the king and parliament. Edward's act, however, was so manifestly illegal, that some of the chief Reformers even, refused to countenance it, though they foresaw the disastrous consequences of Mary's reign. Among these objectors were Archbishop Cranmer, the very head and life of the Reformation, and Judge Hales, "a most steady and zealous man for the Reformation," who, Fox says, "ventured his life for queen Mary's cause, in that he would not subscribe to the uninheriting of her by the king's will." +

On the death of the king, the first care of Northumberland was to conceal the event, in order to get possession of Mary and Elizabeth, to whom messages had been sent to come and comfort their sick brother. Mary was actually within half a day's journey of London when she learned, by a secret message from the Duke of Arundel, the

* Burnet, vol. 11. pt. 1. bk. 1. pp. 456–58.

† Acts and Mons., III. 11, 16. Yet Hales was imprisoned, and so treated by Mary's government, that, in a fit of desperation, he drowned himself. - Fox, 111. 79, 152, 153; Burnet, ut sup. pp. 495–.

The

death of her brother and the purposes of Northumberland. She immediately retired into Norfolk, and took refuge in the castle of Framlingham, near the sea, that she might escape to her cousin, Charles V. of Spain, if unsuccessful in her attempts to obtain the throne. Finding his secret was betrayed, and that Mary was on her guard, Northumberland and his party immediately (July 10th) proclaimed the Lady Jane Grey queen of England, she being a passive, unwilling instrument in the hands of her ambitious kindred. proclamation was rather coolly received by the people; for, though Lady Jane was everything that could be asked for in a young queen, her father-in-law, on whom it was foreseen the management of affairs would chiefly devolve, was extremely unpopular. Mary in the mean time had gathered around her a strong body of friends and supporters, including a considerable number of the zealous friends of the Reformation, and asserted resolutely her claim to the throne. Northumber land feeling obliged to march at the head of the government troops to oppose Mary's gathering forces, the council turned traitors to his interests, and on the 19th of July proclaimed Mary. Thus, almost without a struggle, the crown fell to its lawful possessor; and on the 3d of August, Mary entered London in triumph, the recognized sovereign of the kingdom.

Once in full possession of the throne, Mary began to shape her course with reference to the overthrow