Washington's Farewell Address. EXTRACTS FROM HIS ADDRESS COUNSELLING THE MAINTENANCE OF THE UNION, (To the People of the United States on His Approaching Retirement from the Presidency.) HERE, perhaps, I ought to stop; but a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be afforded to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel; nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. PRESERVATION OF THE UNION. The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence-the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed-it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of America, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. ENCROACHMENTS BY THE GOVERNMENT. It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free country, should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal, against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments, ancient and modern; some of them in our own country, and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be, in any particular, wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The preceden must always greatly overbalance, in permanent evil, and partial or transient benefit which the use can, at any time, yield. Observe good faith and justice toward all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all; religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least. is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices? ENTANGLEMENTS WITH FOREIGN POWERS. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike for another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil, and even second, the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. If we Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course, WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS-Continued. remain one people under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, wil not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. PARTING COUNSELS. In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope that they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations; but if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigues, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your weifare by which they have been dictated. GEORGE WASHINGTON. UNITED STATES, September 17, 1796 White House Rules. THE Cabinet will meet Tuesdays and Fridays from 11 A.M. until 1 P. M. Senators and Representatives will be received from 10 A. M. to 12 M., excepting on Cabinet days. Visitors having business with the President will be admitted from 12 to 1 o'clock daily, excepting Cabinet days, so far as public business will permit. The East Room will be open daily, Sundays excepted, for the inspection of visitors, between the hours of 10 A. M. and 2 P. M. By direction of the President. William Loeb, Jr., Secretary. The United States Light-House Establishment. THE following are the members of the Light-House Board: Victor H. Metcalf, Secretary of Commerce and Labor and ex-officio President of the Board. Col. Walter S. Franklin, Baltimore, Md. Dr. Henry S. Pritchett, Institute of Technology, Boston, Mass. Col. Amos Stickney, Corps of Engineers, U. S. A., New York. Capt. Albert Ross, U. S. N., Washington, D. C. Maj. Harry F. Hodges, Corps of Engineers, U. S. A., Washington, D. C. Capt. U.Sebree. U. S. N., Naval Secretary, Washington, D. C. Major Thomas S. Casey, Corps of Engineers, U. S. A., Engineer Secretary, Washington, D. C. The establishment is divided into sixteen districts, each in charge of an inspector and engineer, the former being navy and the latter army officers. The Board has supervision of all administrative duties relating to the construction and maintenance of light-houses, light-vessels, beacons, fogsignals, buoys, and their appendages, and has charge of all records and property appertaining to the establishment. Empeachments in United States History. THE Constitution of the United States, Article II., Section IV., provides that civil officers of the United States may be removed from office on impeachment and conviction of treason, bribery or other high crimes and misdemeanors: that the House of Representatives has the sole power of impeachment, and the Senate the sole power to try impeachments; that the Vice-President shall preside at impeachments except when the President is tried, when the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court shall preside; and that two-thirds of the members present must vote for conviction before a person impeached shall be deemed guilty. Only eight persons have been impeached and tried before the Senate, and only two of them have been convicted. The record is as follows: William Blount, Senator from Tennessee; impeached July 7, 1797, for conspiring to wage war with Spain in favor of Great Britain, to excite the Cherokee Indians against Spain, and to create disaffection among the Indians toward the United States; trial Dec. 17, 1798, to Jan, 14, 1799; vote, 11 guilty, 14 not guilty; verdict, acquittal. John Pickering, Judge of the District Court of the United States for the District of New Hampshire; impeached 1803 for drunkenness and disregard of the terms of the statutes; trial March 3 to March 12, 1803; vote, 19 guilty, 7 not guilty; verdict, guilty; punishment, removal from office. Samuel Chase, Associate-Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States; impeached 1804 for misconduct at trials of persons charged with breach of the Sedition Law; trial Nov. 30, 1804, to March 1, 1805; vote, 9 guilty, 30 not guilty, and 15 guilty, 19 not guilty, on different counts; verdict, acquittal, James Peck, Judge of the District Court of the United States for the District of Missouri; impeached for tyrannous treatment of counsel, 1830; trial May 11 to May 30, 1830, and from Dec. 13, 1830, to Jan. 31, 1831; vote, 22 guilty, 21 not guilty; verdict, acquittal. West II. Humphreys, Judge of the District Court of the United States for the District of Tennessee, impeached 1862 for supporting the secession movement and unlawfully acting as Judge of the Confederate District Court; trial May 22 to June 26, 1862; vote, 32 guilty, 4 not guilty, and 38 guilty; verdict, guilty; punishment, removal from office. Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, impeached for usurpation of the law, corrupt use of the veto power, interference at elections and high crimes and misdemeanors; trial, March 30 to May 26, 1868; vote, guilty, 35, not guilty, 19; verdict, acquittal. William W. Belknap, Secretary of War of the United States, impeached for accepting bribes; trial April 5 to Aug. 1, 1876; vote, guilty, 5, not guilty, 25; verdict, acquittal. Charles wayne, Judge of the District Court of the United States for the District of Florida; impeached 1905 for misconduc tin office; tried Feb. 6 to Feb. 27, 1905; vote, 55 guilty, 37 not guilty; verdict, acquittal. Citizens' Endustrial Association. AN association of employers of labor embracing national. State and local associations throughout the United States. The declared purposes are: To assist, by all lawful and practical means, the properly constituted authorities of the State and Nation in maintaining and defending the supremacy of the law and the rights of the citizen. To assist all the people of America in resisting encroachments upon their constitutional rights. To promote and encourage harmonious relations between employers and their employés upon a basis of equal justice to both. To assist local, State, and national associations of manufacturers, employers, and employés in their efforts to establish and maintain industrial peace, and to create and direct a public sentiment in opposition to all forms of violence, coercion, and intimidation. C. W. Post, Battle Creek, Mich., President; James A. Emery, St. James Building, New York, Secretary. National Civic Federation. AN organization of prominent representatives of capital, labor, and the general public formed as the direct outgrowth of conventions held in Chicago and New York in 1900-1901. Its purpose is to organize the best brains of the Nation in an educational movement toward the solution of some of the great problems related to social and industrial progress; to provide for study and discussion of questions of national import; to aid thus in the crystallization of the most enlightened public opinion; and, when desirable, to promote legislation in accordance therewith. At the present time the work of the Federation is carried on through the following agencies: (1) The Public Ownership Commission composed of one hundred prominent men representing every shade of opinion on this subject. The investigation by this commission (1906) into the facts of public ownership and operation here and abroad is the most thorough yet undertaken. (2) The Immigration Department composed of men selected to represent all localities in the Union affected by the admission of aliens. (3) The Industrial Economic Department organized to promote discussion and to aid in the solution of practical economic and social problems such as Wages, and the Cost of Living," the •Injunction, "Opened and Closed Shop, Restriction of Output,' Compulsory Arbitration," "Initiative and Referendum," "The Income Tax," the Trusts, &c. (4) The Conciliation Department dealing entirely with strikes, lockouts and trade agreements, and including in its membership representatives of the leading organizations of employers and wageearners. The services of this department have been enlisted in more than five hundred cases involving every phase of industrial controversy. (5) Welfare Department organized for the purpose of improving the conditions under which employés in all industries work and live. Some of the subjects included in the work of the Department are sanitary work places, emergency hospitals, lunch rooms, women's rest rooms, recreation, educational opportunities, and home for employés and industrial insurance. (6) Primary Election and Ballot Reform organized to arouse and promote public interest in representative government in national, State and city politics. The officers of the Federation are: August Belmont, President; Samuel Gompers, First Vice-President; Oscar S. Straus, Second Vice-President; Isaac N. Seligman, Treasurer; John Mitchell and Francis L. Robbins, Chairmen Trade Agreement Committee; Melville E. Ingalls, Chairman Public Ownership Commission; Seth Low, Chairman Conciliation Committee; Nicholas Murray Butler, Chairman Industrial Economics Department; Franklin MacVeagh, Chairman Immigration Department; Charles A. Moore, Chairman Welfare Department; Ralph M. Easley, Chairman Executive Council; Samuel B. Donnelly, Secretary. Office, 281 Fourth Avenue, New York City. State Labor Bureaus. LIST OF BUREAUS OF LABOR AND LABOR STATISTICS IN UNITED STATES. Colorado. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Bureau of Labor Statistics. 1887 E. V. Brake. Address. Washington. 1893 William H. Scoville... Hartford. Bureau of Labor and Mining Statistics. 1895 T. C. Egleston.... Bureau of Labor Statistics.. Bureau of Statistics..... Bureau of Agriculture, Lab. & Statistics Massachus' tts Bureau of Statistics of Labor. Montana Bureau of Labor Statistics & Inspection Nebraska.. Bureau of Statistics of Labor & Printing Ohio Oregon. Bur. Labor Stat. & Insp. Fac, Works' ps 1879 William Anderson...Jefferson City 1872 Robert C. Bair.. Bureau of Labor & Industrial Statistics 1898 James B. Doherty Washington. Bureau of Labor.... Trenton. Raleigh. Labor Legislation. BOYCOTTING BLACKLISTING AND INTIMIDATION LAWS. THE States having laws prohibiting boycotting in terms are Alabama, Colorado, Illinois, Indiana, and Texas. The States having laws prohibiting blacklisting in terms are Alabama, Arkansas, Colorado, Connecticut, Florida, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, Nevada, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Oregon, Texas, Utah, Virginia, Washington, and Wisconsin. A number of States have enacted laws concerning intimidation, conspiracy against workingmen, and interference with employment, viz.: Alabama, Arkansas, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Porto Rico, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Washington, West Virginia, and Wisconsin. In the following States it is unlawful for an employer to exact any agreement, either written or verbal, from an employé not to join or become a member of a labor organization, as a condition of employment: California, Colorado, Connecticut, Idaho, Indiana, Kansas, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Nevada, New Jersey, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Porto Rico and Wisconsin. EIGHT-HOUR LAWS. Arizona.-Eight hours constitute a day's labor in all underground mines and workings. California.-Unless otherwise expressly stipulated, eight hours constitute a day's work. The time of service of all laborers, workinen, and mechanics employed upon any public works of, or work done for, the State, or .or any political sub-division thereof, whether the work is to be done by contract or otherwise, is limited and restricted to eight hours in any one calendar day. Colorado.-A day's work for all workingmen employed by the State, or any county, township, school district, municipality, or incorporated town, and for all employés in underground mines or workings, and in smelting and refining works, is restricted to eight hours. Connecticut.-Eight hours of labor constitute a lawful day's work unless otherwise agreed. Delaware.-Eight hours constitute a lawful day's work for all municipal employés of the city of Wilmington. District of Columbia.-A day's work for all laborers and mechanics employed by the District of Columbia, or by any contractor or sub-contractor upon any public works of the District, is limited to eight hours. Hawaii.-For all mechanics, clerks, laborers, and other employés on public works and in public offices eight hours of actual service constitute a day's work. Idaho.-Eight hours' actual work constitute a lawful day's labor for manual laborers employed by the day on all State, county, and municipal works. Illinois.-Eight hours are a legal day's work in all mechanical employments, except on farms. and when otherwise agreed; the law does not apply to service by the year, month, or week. Eight hours constitute a day's labor on the public highways. Indiana. Eight hours of labor constitute a legal day's work for all classes of mechanics, workingmen, and laborers, excepting those engaged in agricultural and domestic labor, Overwork by agreement and for extra compensation is permitted. Iowa.-Eight hours constitute a day's labor on the public roads. Kansas.-Eight hours are a day's work for all laborers, mechanics, or other persons employed by or on behalf of the State or any county, city, township, or other municipality. Kentucky.-Eight hours constitute a day's work on the public roads. Maryland. -No mechanic or laborer employed by the Mayor or City Council of Baltimore, or by any agent or contractor under them, shall be required to work more than eight hours as a day's labor. Massachusetts.-Eight hours shall constitute a day's work for all laborers, workmen, and mechanics employed by or on behalf of any city or town in the Commonwealth upon acceptance of the statute by a majority of voters present and voting upon the same at any general election. Minnesota.-Eight hours constitute a day's labor for all laborers, workmen, or mechanics employed by or on behalf of the State, whether the work is done by contract or otherwise. Missouri.-Eight hours constitute a legal day's work. The law does not prevent an agreement to work for a longer or a shorter time and does not apply to agricultural laborers. It is unlawful for employers to work their employés longer than eight hours per day in mines and smelters. Eight hours are a day's labor on highways. Montana.-Eight hours constitute a legal day's work for persons engaged to operate or handle hoisting engines at mines. The law .pplies only to such plants as are in operation sixteen or more hours per day, or at or in mines where the engine develops fifteen or more horse-power, or where fifteen or more men are employed underground in the twenty-four hours. A day's labor on public works and in smelters and underground mines is limited to eight hours per day. Nebraska.-Eight hours constitute a day's work on public roads and on all public works in cities of the first class. Nevada. -For labor on public highways, in underground mines and in smelters, and on all works and undertakings carried on or aided by the State, county, or municipal governments, the hours of labor are fixed at eight per day. New Mexico.-Eight hours constitute a day's labor on public roads and highways. New York.-Eight hours constitute a day's work on highways, and for all classes of employés, except in farm or domestic labor, though overwork for extra pay is permitted in private employments. The statute has no valid application to work done by contractors on public works. Ohio.-Eight hours shall constitute a day's work in all engagements to labor in any mechanical, manufacturing, or mining business, unless otherwise expressly stipulated in the contract. Oklahoma.-Eight hours constitute a day's labor on public roads. Oregon.-Eight hours constitute a day's labor on public roads. LABOR LEGISLATION-Continued. Pennsylvania.-Eight hours of labor shall be deemed and held to be a legal day's work in all cases of labor and service by the day where there is no agreement or contract to the contrary. This does not apply to farm or agricultural labor or to service by the year, month, or week. Eight hours constitute a day's labor for all mechanics, workmen, and laborers in the employ of the State, or of any municipal corporation therein, or otherwise engaged on public works. This act shall be deemed to apply to employés of contractors. Porto Rico.-No laborer may be compelled to work more than eight hours per day on public works. South Dakota. -For labor on public highways a day's work is fixed at eight hours. Texas.-Eight hours constitute a day's work on the highways. Utah.-Eight hours constitute a day's labor on all works carried on or aided by the State, county, or municipal governments, and in all underground mines or workings, and in smelters and all other establishments for the reduction of ores. Washington.-Eight hours in any calendar day shall constitute a day's work on any work done for the State, or for any county or municipality. West Virginia.-Eight hours shall constitute a day's work for all laborers, workmen, and mechanics who may be employed by or on behalf of the State. Wisconsin.-In all engagements to labor, in any manufacturing or mechanical business, where there is no express contract to the contrary, a day's work shall consist of eight hours, but the law does not apply to contracts for labor by the week, month, or year. Eight hours constitute a day's labor on the public highways. Wyoming.-Eight hours' actual work constitute a legal day's labor in all mines and on all State and municipal works. United States. -A day's work for all laborers, workmen and mechanics who may be employed by the United States, or by any contractor or sub-contractor upon any of the public works of the United States, is limited to eight hours. THE WORLD ALMANAC is indebted to Commissioner Charles P. Neill of the U. S. Bureau of Labor for this Summary of Labor Legislation revised to date. General Labor Organizations. AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR. PRESIDENT, Samuel Gompers, 423 G Street, N. W., Washington, D. C.; Secretary, Frank Morrison, same address; Treasurer, John B. Lennon, Bloomington, Ill.; First Vice-President, James Duncan, Hancock Building, Quincy, Mass.; Second Vice-President, John Mitchell, 111 State Life Building, Indianapolis, Ind.; Third Vice-President, James O'Connell, 402 McGill Building, Washington, D. C.; Fourth Vice-President, Max Morris. P. O. Box 1581, Denver, Col.; Fifth VicePresident, D. A. Hayes, 930 Witherspoon Building, Philadelphia, Pa.; Sixth Vice-President, Daniel J. Keefe, 407 Elks Temple Building, Detroit, Mich.; Seventh Vice-President, William D. Huber, State Life Building, Indianapolis, Ind.; Eighth Vice-President, Joseph F. Valentine, Commercial Tribune Building, Cincinnati, Ohio. The Federation is composed of 119 national and international unions. representing approximately 27,000 local unions, 37 State branches, 538 city central unions, and 854 local unions. The aggregate membership is 2, 000 000. The affiliated unions publish about 245 weekly or monthly papers. devoted to the cause of labor. The official organ is the American Federationist, edited by Samuel Gompers. There are 866 organizers of local unions acting under the orders of the American Federation of Labor. The objects and aims of the American Federation of Labor are officially stated to render employment and means of subsistence less precarious by securing to the workers an equitable share of the fruits of their labor. INTERNATIONAL UNIONS COMPRISING THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR. Actors' National Protective Union of America. Lew Morton, 8 Union Square, New York, N. Y. Asbestos Workers of America, National Association of Heat, Frost, and General Insulators. P. G. Jessen, 2620 Clark Avenue. St. Louis, Mo. Bakery and Confectionery Workers' Internationa! Union of America. F. H. Harzbecker, Metropolitan Block, Room 45. 161-163 Randolph Street, Chicago, Ill. Barbers' International Union, Journeymen. Jacob Fischer, Box 517, Indianapolis, Ind. Bill Posters and Billers of America, National Alliance. W. J. Murray, Box 74. Tappan, N. Y, Blacksmiths, International Brotherhood of. George J. Werner, Suite 570-585 Monon Building, Chicago, Ill. Boiler-Makers and Iron Shipbuilders of America. Brotherhood of. W. J. Gilthorpe, Room 406, Portsmouth Building, Kansas City, Kan. Bookbinders, International Brotherhood of. James W. Dougherty, Room 210, 132 Nassau Street, New York, N. Y. Boot and Shoe Workers' Union. C. L. Baine, 246 Sumner Street. Boston, Mass. Brewery Workmen. International Union of United. Louis Kemper, Rooms 109-110 Odd Fellows' Temple, corner Seventh and Elm Streets, Cincinnati, Ohio. Brick, Tile, and Terra Cotta Workers' Alliance, International. George Hodge, Rooms 509-510 Garden City Block, 56 Fifth Avenue, Chicago, Ill. Bridge and Structural Iron Workers, International Association of. J. J. McNamara, 517 Superior Building. Cleveland, Ohio. Broom and Whisk Makers' Union, International. Oliver A. Brower, 14 Swan Street, Amsterdam, N. Y. Brushmakers' International Union. John M. McElroy, 1822 Stiles Street, Philadelphia, Pa. Carpenters and Joiners of America, United Brotherhood of. F. Duffy, P. O. Box 520, Indianapolis, Ind. Carpenters and Joiners, Amalgamated Society of. Thomas Atkinson, 332 East 93d Street, N. Y. Carriage and Wagon Workers, International. Charles A. Baustian, Room 304. 30-36 La Salle Street, Chicago, Ill. |