did when she was a much less rich, powerful, and populous country than we now are, then indeed our condition is lamentable. The plain English of it all is that there is a great deal of nonsense and humbug in the talk about the necessity of a slow, gradual reduction of the tariff until we get down to a free trade basis (meaning a tariff for revenue only). Of course the notion is encouraged by protectionists and their organs. I am inclined to think, however, that the basis for the belief is less founded upon protectionist views than upon the innate conservatism of the American people, that, under the careful, skillful, long-continued misrepresentations of protectionists, has led them to think that downward revision of the tariff must be gradual or injury would result. In saying this, I wish it distinctly understood that I am not in favor of great and sudden reductions in our tariff duties. In deference to public opinion and the possibility of injury to vested manufacturing interests, I agree that reductions must not be great nor sudden. There is no danger they will be too great nor too sudden. The army of lobbyists in Washington, and of Congressmen with a very tender and peculiar regard for the interests of their own constituents (without which they would not be in Congress), will effectually preserve all vested rights from injury, whatever happens. But there is no lobby representing the interests of the consumers of the country, and all too many Congressmen who want free trade in everything except in herrings. There are few who are real statesmen and can rise to the occasion and insist upon the adoption of a policy that will finally result in free trade (meaning a tariff for revenue only). What is needed more than anything is the arousing the American people to the benefits to the whole country by the substitution of a free trade policy (meaning thereby a tariff for revenue only) in the place of the false, debasing, corrupting, enervating policy of protection that has almost succeeded in making us the economic slaves of the great trusts and other corporations. Let us put an end to the political immorality, the intellectual atrophy, and the selfish greed of protectionism. INDEX American colonies and protec- tion, 100. American people obsessed in American Revolution caused by Appleton, Nathan, on tariff dis- asters, 143. Bacon, Senator, speech on the Bastiat, quoted, 63-65. Bessemer, Sir Henry, and steel process, 251, 252. Bounties, unconstitutional, 150. Brandeis, Lewis D., appearing Bright, John, on protection, 130. Business the universal, 175; de- Business interests, influence on Carey, H. C., on protection, 9. Clay, Henry, quoted, 36; and Coercion, accompanying tariff Colbert and the French mer- Committee, arbi- trary power of, 270, 271. Cooley, Judge, on taxes for rev- Corruption through protection, polls, 121; of senators, 123. Dawes Bill, 283, 284. Dickens, Charles, on prosperity Dolliver, Senator, appeal for Emerson, R. W., on the basis |