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saler. The wholesalers elect the manufacturer, and the manufacturer must foresee the demand correctly, or part with his capital. The employer's choice elects the workers, and the workers are relieved of the necessity of watching the markets of the products of their labor, and need only watch the markets of labor itself. As votes in the political state give the title to office, so capital in the industrial state, which can only be preserved by success, gives title to command. Every capitalist can command all the labor he chooses to pay for. By simplifying their task, to the single one of selling their labor-time and labor-force to whoever will pay the highest price for it, laborers are enabled to give far more time and force to the work actually to be done. By simplifying the retailer's task to the single one of buying at five what he can sell for seven, the retailer saves all his time and force for efforts which have profit in them. And by the conjoint action of every member of society, in the line in which he can be paid, and in no other, he most closely serves demand, which is the most comprehensive name for human need, or for the relief of want. Thus, in the industrial state, the higher and more intense is the egoism or desire of profit, as the motive of human action, the prompter and more efficient is the satisfaction of demand, the relief of want, or the attainment of practical altroism as the effect.

The political state is the garment, or apparel, of the industrial state. Governments are but the expression, for coercive or attractive purposes, of the interest and will of society, as it is formulated by their material condition and occupations. Where the masses of the people have the means of comfortable living, by nearly continual labor (and without the continual labor of nearly all it is impossible, in the nature of things, that any should live comfortably), there, persons will be free; governments will rest lightly on the shoulders of the people. But little coercion, either by governments or by employers, will be required, and both government and industry will become attractive rather than coercive.

171. Coercion and Attraction in the State.--The attractive functions of government, as distinguished from its coercive, consist in the education of youth, the establishment of lighthouses and life-saving stations, the distribution of seeds to secure the introduction of new branches of agriculture, the creation of artificial corporations, having perpetual life, as a means of attracting the capital of investors into investments of a perpetual character, the building of levees to restrain floods, and of canals,

works of irrigation, and aqueducts, and building or aiding railways, common highways, sewers, drains and bridges, the authorization of banks for the issue and loan of credit-money, and of savings banks for making the hoarding propensity in the poor productive ere yet the accumulation is large enough to be used as a working capital; enacting laws of descent, whereby human affection and love, in one generation of workers, may be attracted onward in their toil, by the hope of being able to make provision for those they shall leave behind; authorizing the creation of insurance companies and trust funds, for tiding over the calamities of fire and death by the interested co-operative aid of those who do this good to others, on a bargain that others shall pay them for the service; the regulation and check of international competition in industries by tariffs; the diversification of industries by securing certain valuable markets to producers, the establishment of colleges, the propagation of fish in rivers, the tunneling of mines on occasions when individual enterprise might neglect a much-needed work, the attractively encouraged emigration of the poor to new and better homes, the collection and universal diffusion of an accurate bulletin of the weather one day in advance, the assortment of letters for transmission by routes selected and paid for by the government, the granting of patents to inventors, and a hundred others.

This enumeration might be extended, but it suffices to show how vastly, in modern government, the attractive, or educing, or educating, functions of government have risen above and come to outrank the coercive. In most of the Northern States of the Union from two-thirds to three-fourths of the revenue of the State is expended on the single purely attractive function of educating youth, a function which, until barely a century ago, it was not supposed that government had anything whatever to do with.

With the advance of government to functions more and more attractive, there has been a recession, in all newer and freer countries, from the despotic, military, and coercive functions, to which government was formerly confined. Where, a century ago, 134 crimes were punished with death, now only from one to four are so punished. In America, and the British colonies, standing armies and coast defences are of the past. Titles, the survival of military rank and soldierly life, are fading out and less esteemed. Finally there is a growing feeling that woman, debarred by her sex from founding the coercive or military state, except she offer

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herself for military service, is not by the same logic barred from taking part in those functions of government which are intellectual, moral, and attractive. The earliest, and perhaps, next to education, the most important instance in which government has passed from coercive to attractive functions has been in practicing protection to national industries against foreign competition.

172. Government by Force. Voting by Males.-The coercive functions of government bear toward the attractive much the same relation as coin bears toward credit money. Had there never been government by coercion, a government by attraction could not have arisen. The tramp of contending armies precedes respectful obedience to the law and the courts. The memory of hostile encounters overshadows the courteous language of diplomacy, and gives efficacy to arbitrations. It is a fundamental maxim that "the law always implies force." All government implies an army, navy, and police capable of enforcing its will. In fact all governments have been established, as against those who opposed their establishment, by armed force. The summary manner in which the Tories, who opposed in New York, New Jersey, and elsewhere, the formation of the American Government, were driven out of the United States, as fugitives, places the United States in the same category as all other governments in this respect. The "Continental Congress" met, not to deliberate with Tories as to whether it should itself exist, but to deliberate among Whigs, and as a purely Whig government, how all opposition to itself could best be forcibly overcome. As armies are the immediate authors and sponsors of all government, whether republican or monarchical, it is natural that, when voting comes to supersede fighting as a means of selecting the officials who are to govern, the voting should devolve exclusively on the sex which had done the fighting. This alone, and not any difference of intelligence between the two sexes, has caused the male sex to monopolize the right of suffrage.

In Sparta, and one or two other of the States of Greece, according to Aristotle, women bore arms in war, owned most of the property, and voted. In whatever state they should be admitted to vote it would logically and naturally follow, if not at first, yet in the long run, that they would bear arms also, if only from a sentiment of honor. For as women are far more exacting than men in their standard of requirement as to the number of supposed good objects the government should be called on to effect, they would constitute the class of voters most given to enacting

high-keyed, reformatory, and exacting laws, which would raise the number voting against them to close proximity with the number voting for them. Such laws, which are barely passed by a small plurality of votes, and which imply a large interference with the personal liberty of many citizens, of perhaps the poorer class, excite a degree of opposition to their enforcement which the ordinary laws against crime do not arouse. The difficulty of their enforcement renders much personal collision necessary, and in such case somebody must give and take the blows, or the enforcement of the law would be abandoned.

In a state in which women should vote on equal terms with men, the laws would soon come to be divided into those which bore the general sanction of both women and men, and those which sought to press the magistrate's club into the work of enforcing as law the finer sentiments of chastity, temperance, purity, and religion, which men are content to remit to the domain of morals and persuasion.

In this manner there would be two kinds of laws, the men's laws and the women's laws. The former would be enforced; the latter would not, unless women should take it upon themselves to do so. To remit these laws to mere persuasion would leave them just where the sentiments they embody are now. The attempt of women to enforce them would convert them, as a logical corollary, into an arms-bearing sex. That the female sex would accept the right of suffrage, if accompanied by the condition that they bear arms and perform police duty, is hardly contended. It is doubtless the opinion of the great mass of women, that no exigency of their situation calls for action so revolutionary, and, to nearly all of them, so distasteful. The exclusion of women from the right to vote can only be logically ascribed to the fact that governments are an affair of armed force, in which it is contrary to the course of nature and civilization that woman should participate.

This monopoly of the fighting function by the male is, in its turn, an evident consequence of the physiological necessity that motherhood shall be made secure, and motherly attention adequate in delicacy, to the needs of infancy. The germs of this division of functions between the sexes appear in nearly all of the higher forms of quadrupeds and birds, and are wholly absent only among reptiles and fishes. A division of functions between the sexes which is so much broader, even, than the human race, and so much older than history, is not likely to become capable of over

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throw in fact, however interesting may be the grounds on which its obliteration is pressed.

173. Armies, and Their Cost.-In ancient times, war was a struggle between all the members of two hostile populations. In modern times, the principle of division of labor is applied to it. It is a physical fight only between the two organized armies in the field; the populations on both sides take part in it only as taxpayers, or as their transit and trade may be interrupted, or as they are recruited, drafted, or enlisted into the army. Armies are now recruited by two modes-voluntary enlistment, and the draft. Great Britain adheres to the former system, which in practice usually degenerates into an abuse known as the press-gang-a dozen armed men setting upon one, and compelling him to "voluntarily enlist," either through the blandishments of intoxication or the force of a sound drubbing. Blackstone, a century ago, denounced the press-gang as unworthy of a free country. Either it, or very high bounties, are necessary under the system of voluntary enlistments.

It was by the conscription, or drawing among all citizens by lot, that Napoleon was able to sustain the arms of France against the Allied Powers from 1793 to 1815. It has since been adopted or revived in all the European states, and was resorted to by the United States in its war of 1861 to 1865.

The relative economy of the policy of maintaining a large army, or a small one, is not so simple a problem, since the war last named, as it had previously been assumed to be, by many advocates of the doctrine that "that government is best which governs least." In 1790, Congress fixed the rank and file of the American army at 1,216 men. In 1814, a small English force of only 3,500 men was able to seize and burn the Capitol and the city of Washington, though the country had then a population of 8,000,000 persons, or about as many as Egypt contained when, under her first great military leader, Sesostris, she extended her empire over Ethiopia and Southern Asia, eastward to the Ganges, and northward to the Caspian.

During the war of 1861-5, the government of the United States called under arms 2,759,049 men, of whom 2,656,053 men were actually embodied in the armies. Adding to these the 1,100,000 men embodied by the Southern States into their armies, the total force called into the field, in a country whose hobby it was to have no armies, amounted to the enormous number of 3,756,053 men, whereas the entire standing armies of Great Britain,