tinued exertions to give employment to the working classes, by improvements in Paris and the prosecution of public works in the provinces,-a tour, which occupied a month, in the South of France, where his progress was a series of ovations, his declaration, at Bourdeaux, that "The Empire is Peace," his reception in Paris in October, 1852, on his return from the South, a brilliant exhibition, which, to have seen, forms an era in a man's life, some five weeks later, his election, as Emperor, by seven and a half millions of Frenchmen, and his assurance to foreign powers that, in taking the title of Napoleon III., he asserted no dynastic claims, and sought to reign only "by the grace of God and the will of the French Nation."

Meanwhile, his efforts to obtain a wife from among the petty royalties of Germany had been baffled-through the intervention, it was believed, of Prussia and Austria. Suddenly, with that inscrutable skill by which genius converts failure into success, the French Emperor's next move gave him the advantage. He married the young, and beautiful, and accomplished heiress of an illustrious Spanish family, and took credit, in a speech to the Senate, for having thus shown himself as indeed a parvenue, and not an hereditary prince. As a fit conclusion to this marriage, he announced to his Legislative body his continued desire to maintain peace, and further reductions in his army. In this he is probably sincere. War is not the present policy of France. What, then, is the present condition of France? The heir of Napolcon is on the throne. Two other persons, each representing a dynasty, await the opportunity of asserting their claims. The houses of Bourbon and Orleans are compelled to play a waiting game.

The Duc de Bourdeaux, in whose favor Charles X. abdicated, in 1830, has reached the age of thirty-seven, is married, and childless. His supporters in France are the old Legitimists a body whose numbers become less and less year after year. Like the rest of his family, he appears, in exile, to have forgotten nothing, to have learned nothing. Every step he has taken, during the last fifteen years, shows this. He has written letters for publication, he has issued manifestoes, in which he affects to treat France as a kingdom, which belongs to him as a right; he would not condescend to wear the crown of France, except as an hereditary property apperwas communicated on that day to a London daily paper, by its Paris correspondent. Late at night, Louis Napoleon was persuaded not then to issue the decree. The Paris correspondent had just time to telegraph to London "do not publish what I sent to-day," and the Orleans confiscation decree was not issued for some weeks after.

taining to him as "the descendant of St. Louis." Most probably he would commence, if king, by dating his reign from 1830, when Charles X. abdicated.

The Prince de Joinville is the most liked of all the Orleans family; yet, in 1848, while Louis Napoleon received nearly 5,500,000 votes for the Presidency, this Prince had only 800. The chances of the Count de Paris are small. If one of the Orleanist family is to reign in France, it certainly will not be a child. The Communists, if they please, may join in this game for empire. The eldest son of Jerome Bonaparte (who was, avowedly, a strong partisan of the Rouge, an extreme Republican party) now stands next the Imperial Throne, as heir-presumptive, has accepted the title of Imperial Prince, wears the Grand Cross of the Legion of Honor, and has taken command as General of Division. There are many who think that he still cherishes his idea of a Republic in France.

Three distinct principles are represented by the three dynastic parties in France-the Bourbon and Absolutism, Orleans and Limited Monarchy, Bonaparte and Imperial Democracy. Unlimited as his power is, Louis Napoleon must feel that it is enjoyed only by favor of the people. In point of fact, though apparently as absolute as the Czar, the present Emperor of the French rests wholly upon and is sustained by popular favor. This has made him what he is-this can maintain him where he is this, more or less, has to be considered in every step which he takes. With all his power, he is but the servant of the Democracy. If the people at whose head he is placed are satisfied with him, however stringent some of his measures may be, why should other countries quarrel with their choice?

The character of this man fits him for the position he occupies. Bold, firm, and decided have been his words and his deeds since 1848. Uuscrupulous, but not cruel, he regards the end, and hesitates not at the means. Believing, or affecting to believe, that he is a human instrument sent to regenerate France, he has enlisted the religious on his side, and retained them by many and marked proofs of his good will and favor. Above all, as Napoleon the Third forms his plans in secret, does he provide against betrayal, by admitting no one into his confidence. Neither Bourbon nor Orleans have any chance against such a man-popular, powerful, and bold-intrigues in his own family, or the fickleness and excitability of the French character, appear to be what he has most to dread. Calculating, inscrutable, and audacious, as he is, great must be the national agitation which can overthrow him.

SPARTA AND THE DORIANS.

Sparta. Von J. C. F. MANSO. Leipzig. 1800-1802. Three volumes.

Geschichte der Halbinsel Morea im Mittelalter. Von Professor FALLMERAYER. Stuttgard. 1830. Two volumes. Geschichte Griechenlands. Von ZINKEISEN. Leipzig. 1832. Vol. 1st.

Travels in the Morea. By DODWELL, LEAKE, GELL, MURE, BRÖNDSTED, Ross, BUCHON, and others.

Slavische Alterthümer. Von SCHAFARIK, deutch von AERENFELD. 1844. Two volumes.

Greece under the Romans. By GEO. FINLAY. Edinburgh. 1844. Histoire des Ville Hardoin. Par BUCHON. Paris. 1846. Two volumes.

Recherches Historiques. Par BUCHON. Four volumes.

Peloponnesos. Von ERNST CURTIUS. Gotha. 1851-52. Two volumes.

Medieval Greece and Trebizond. By GEO. FINLAY. Edinburgh. 1851.

FIRST ARTICLE.

No country in the old world, with the exception of Italy, has for the last three centuries been the object of so many lit erary inquiries as ancient Greece. The collection of works descriptive of that country, and of disquisitions on its history and antiquities, from the time of the revival of letters in the sixteenth century down to the present day, would by itself form an entire library. Artists and philologians have vied with one another to present in laborious publications the monuments of the golden ages of ancient Hellas, to decipher and explain her numerous inscriptions, and to describe the interesting the atre of her eventful history.

Yet during the earlier part of this period, until the middle of the seventeenth century, the monuments, the natural scenery of the country, and the condition of its inhabitants, remained little known to the learned of western Europe. Greece, almost entirely desolated during the fierce wars between the Venetians and the Turks, and after the expulsion of the former in 1718, by the continual feuds of the Klephts or robbers, the indomitable mountaineers, against their Othoman oppressors, was but rarely and hastily visited by European travellers. In their rapid sketches, therefore, they often mixed fiction with truth; they described ancient monuments as still

existing, which had disappeared centuries ago-nay, they connected the classical associations as lightly and uncritically with every locality in Greece, as the pious, but credulous pilgrims in Palestine, bestowed their scriptural names on every mountain, cavern, or modern convent.

The maps and illustrations accompanying those descriptive works were as extravagant and ridiculous as they were incorrect, and we now smile at their laborious representations of ancient Hellenic cities with Gothic spires and towers, adorned with armorial escutcheons and streaming banners, or of Doric temples entirely disfigured by domes and cupolas in the quaint and absurd Dutch style of those times!

But soon a better taste in architecture began to result from deeper studies and more correct designs of the Hellenic monuments in Greece. The French painter, Jacob Carrey, who accompanied the Marquis of Nointel on his embassy to Constantinople, in 1674, was the first artist who in spirited sketches copied the splendid sculptures of the Parthenon at Athens, as they still existed on the temple before its desolation during the siege of the Akropolis, in 1687.*

Nearly at the same time, Sir George Wheeler collected numerous inscriptions and gave a faithful account of the manners and social relations of the Greeks, while the naturalist Tournefort, in 1700, visited the islands of the Egean, and described the celebrated grotto of Anti-Paros; and the French abbé Fourmont, in 1725, enriched our knowledge of Lakonia by important inscriptions from Sparta and Amyklai, which, though for a time considered as an invention of the arrogant and vain Frenchman, have yet by the latest discoveries in Lakonia been found alike precious and genuine.

Soon a new period in the history of architecture began with the publication of the magnificent volumes of the English architects, James Stuart and A. Rivett, which embrace the noblest monuments of Greece and Asia Minor, and have ever since exercised a permanent influence on the study of the fine arts beth in Europe and in America.

With Stuart, in 1751, begins the long series of distinguished travellers, mostly English, French, Danes and Germans, who with enthusiasm continued his earlier investigations, and con

* This collection of drawings in red crayon is deposited in the imperial library at Paris, and has not yet been published. Though roughly sketched, the designs are highly precious, as they enable us to explain the entire series of the now lost sculptures of the Parthenon, and to arrange and restore the different fragments which have been discovered during the late excavations undertaken by the Greek government on the Akropolis, at Athens.

tributed by their writings to throw quite a new light on almost every part of Grecian history and antiquities.

Important excavations, on a larger scale, were then undertaken on the islands, at Eleusis, near Athens, and in Arkadia, and the inimitable statues and bas-reliefs from the Parthenon, from the temple of Minerva at Ægina, and from that of Apollo at Phigalia, in Arkadia, were transported to the north, and now adorn the museums of Munich and of London.

And yet great were the difficulties, the hardships and dangers of those enterprising travellers in the times of Turkish dominion in Greece. They had to flatter the haughty and suspicious Pashas, who would either refuse the European travellers admittance to the ancient monuments, nearly always forming part of the modern Turkish fortifications, or would only grant permission for undertaking excavations by bribery and rich presents. They were often exposed to attack and capture by the ruthless pirates of the sea, or by the Klephts in the mountains.

The mild and unpretending Stuart was in imminent danger of his life among the superstitious Turks of Saloniki, in Makedonia. Baron Stachelberg was captured by the wild pirates of Skyros, and Chevalier Bröndsted robbed and rifled of his baggage and papers by the Mainott outlaws of Mount Taygetos, in Lakonia.

Highway robbers in other countries are the outcasts of mankind. In Greece, on the contrary, they were looked upon as heroes and friends of the oppressed people, who, by the desperate resistance of those savage mountaineers, baffled all the attempts of the Turks to obtain quiet and permanent possession of the country.

Protected, like the manly Circassians on Mount Caucasus, in their present warfare against the Russian aggressor, by their natural ramparts and their invincible courage, the sons of the mountains made such havoc among the Turks of the plain, that they forced the indolent Pashas to take them into military service as a regular police, for the security of the country. These large bodies of free-born mountain Klephts were now called by a nobler name, armatolì; their chiefs became kapitanaoi, and the wild warriors themselves pallikaria, or handsome beaux. The highlands were divided into captainships, (kapitanata) where the command of the district succeeded from father to son.

Yet, the Turks soon perceived the danger arising from such an organization of armed and daring native Christians. They