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this leadership, nor the influential position it gave him in Leipsie, took him from his business of seiling tickets at the tbeatre. It was only after a change in the management of the theatre, that he found himself compelled to look out for other means of subsistence; and a year before the Revolution, his political friends helped bir to set up a bookselling, or rather a publishing, office in Leipsie.

On the 12th of August, 1845, a Leipsic crowd on the public promenade dared to hoot Prince Jobn of Saxony, who was unpopular on account of his well-known protection of the Jesuits. Whereupon the Saxon guard shot twelve of the promenaders. The whole population of Leipsic rushed out in direful indignation. The prince fled; and the few soldiers in the town had certainly fallen victims to the people's revenge, but that Robert Blum had influence enongh to quell the tumult and to persuade the excited people to rely rather upon the justice of the Saxon Courts of Law. For one or two days he was the sole authority in Leipsic; and all parties, except the Court, felt indebted to him for his conduct in preserving peace. The Court of course hated him, and bore its spite in mind for a future opportunity. It is almost needless to say, no justice was got from the Royal Courts of Law.

When in 1848, the Revolution broke out, upon the proclamation of the French Republic, the Court was specially fearful of Leipsic and Robert Blum. But after the People's triumphs at Vienna and Berlin, the King of Saxony followed his masters' lend, and pretended to be submitted to the People. Blum might have become Prime Minister of Saxony had the liberal fit continued.

In the beginning of the Saxon revolutionary movement there was no question of Republicanism. The Republican held back the avowal of his principles, for fear of bringing discord into the popular camp. It was on this account that Blum repeatedly protested against the name of Republican. His policy was rather to act through legal channels. This same policy he followed out at Frankfort, whither he was sent as Member for Leipsic to the German Parliament. Indeed here he withstood his republican friends, Ruge, Strure, and Hecker; and voted with the constitutional (royalist) majority, the Gagern party, which afterwards betrayed the People. He was even so far trusted by the majority as to be elected a member of the Committee of Fifty, to which was confided the execution of the decrees of the Parliament. But as the open Republican Party progressed in public opinion, Blum took his right position among them; and at Vienna, where on the breaking out of the insurrection of November, 18:45, he was sent by the combined Opposition, he stood faithfully beside the decided Republicans, fought with them at the barricades,-died for them also.

Taken prisoner by the Royalist Victors, be was sentenced to be hanged; but the sentence was conmuted to shooting, for fear of his popularity. Haring beard the rentiet, he merely saiu-l e ; i * vreme, He wrote to his wife- Saga i ro, uti ile #24 cm my d ; *3 briny wp my

**200 m f 2.48 by owner Oeser be cureisimine la fin. At seven in the moral of the 9th of Virember, he vas brough: in a marriage to the square called the Brigittenau. There he uravered his breast and wished to look death in the face. The exertioners refused this Hetke s own eyes, kelat

down, and fell, struck with two shots in his breast and one in his forehead. His dying words were few and simple ; 'I fall for the freedom of my country.'

Active, honest, temperate, and brave, he was too deadly an enemy to Royalty to be allowed to live. The special hatred of the Saxon Court also had followed him to Vienna. The Saxon Ambassador made pot even a show of interference to save the life of a Saxon Subject, the representative of a Saxon city. Had he not offended against the common cause of Despotism? But the love and admiration of Saxony attended him to the Brigittenau, on which his blood was shed, -which shall be a sacred place for all posterity when Germany shall have won her freedom.

Nor sacred to Germany alone, but to all Humanity. The Tyrants were one in that day of blood. Let the Peoples be one in their labour for redress.

HISTORY OF THE MONTH.

(From August 22nd to September 22nd.)

CORNELIUS GEORGE HARDING. Many of our readers no doubt recollect a little unpretending, but earnest, monthly publication called the Republican, issued in 1847-8. It is of its Editor that I have some few sad words to say.

Cornelius George Harding was born at Manchester, on the 16th of November, 1824. His father dying when he was quite a boy, he was forced at an early age to seek his bread, and to nourish in the toil and confinement of the warehouse and the desk the seeds of inherited disease. Weakly and debarred from much opportunity of cultivation, he yet on all occasions manifested a natural love of fair play, a disposition to help the oppressed, an active mind and a courageous heart, the elements of an excellence whose development was only stayed by the illness which repeatedly prostrated him, and which terminated his brief career on the 22nd of August last.

Harding was employed successively by a solicitor, a chemist, a manufacturer, a draper, a gas company, and a mining company. Most of these situations he left in consequence of illness. In 1847 he was employed by a gas company as inspector. His duties were very heavy, entailing much application and labour ; but in the midst of them, and despite his delicate health and limited resources, he projected the Republican Magazine, whose first number appeared in November, 1847. His exertions in this helped to lay him again on a sick bed. Medical advice and change of air could only partially restore him, and though he resumed work, (his last employ being in the engineering department of the Great Central Gas Company) the fatal mischief of consumption was but delayed. Early in the present year he suffered a relapse; and since then gradually wasted away, yet clinging feverishly to the hope that he might recover, his heart so set on the desire to serve the cause of Humanity. Clinging feverishly, but with no coward fear: when at last he knew that his hour was at hand, he resigned himself to his sufferings, and his fate with a serene peace which a saint might envy.

I speak of one whom I loved; but I speak of him because his example should be a light to the young men of our party. Harding was the type of what our young Republicans should be. Gentle as a child, pure as a girl, irreproachable as a saint. So unobtrusive that none could be offended with him; zealous and yet never violent; outspeaking without extravagance; ever at his post for the public service, never thiuking of himself; and devoted without neglecting his daily work. Hard working and studious, though too fragile for fatigue, he shirked no duties, either of self-cultivation, toward his employers (whose esteem he held), or toward society. Poor, still poorer through his long illnesses, he was the sole support of his widowed mother; and had yet some help for his comrades. From his scanty means, from his little strength, from his great, noble, generous heart, he drew aid for the battle of Freedom. The Republican, of which fourteen numbers were pablished, was maintained like all works of its kind, with little help and much loss. During 1848 Harding was also active among the few who were then endeavouring to infuse some reasonable spirit into Chartism. At the committees and at the meetings of the People's Charter Union he was of the most punctual. Since then he has not failed to do the little his health allowed; and his last letter to me was an expression of regret that he could do so little. But some day, when health should be regained - Alas! the work is left to us; the recollection of his aspiring worth, the promise to do his share, like him at least to do our utmost, is the only wreath that we can lay upon his untimely grave.

He was not a man of genius; he had neither 'birth,' nor wealth, nor advantages. He was a simple, true-souled, poor man, who lived not only blamelessly, but actively and devoutly, and who, dying in the very morning of life, however little he may have accomplished, may be laid in honour beside the heroes of all time : for he fought the good fight; he too has done his duty.

W, J. L. REPUBLICAN CHRONICLE. The Press has not altogether forgotten us. The Trinidadian (a West Indian French and English paper) reprints from our first number the Address of the European Committee. It is a good beginning for the Colonies. The Nation has a garbled “reprint' of our article on Socialism and Communism : and is horrified at the hypocritical application of' two' Scriptural texts. The Sheffield Free-Press misrepresents our views on the Direct Sovereignty of the People, in accusing us of omitting the right of the popular initiative in legislation. We would tell the Press and any others who may mistake us, that, on the contrary, we insist upon the right, though we maintain that it need not be exercised upon every matter of governmental detail nor always prevent the preparative work of a committee. It will be for the People regularly assembling in the exercise of their sovereignty, (uot for M. Rittinghausen or any other theorist) to determine apon what occasions they will exercise this initiative, upon what occasions they will prefer to consider projects of law drawn up by their ministers, and upon what occasions they can trust their ministers to act, not to legislate, for them.

Our friends will be rejoiced to read the following extract of a letter from Mazzini to Mr. Charles Clarke of Glasgow, published in the North British Daily Mail of September 10.

I shall most undoubtedly avail myself of the first opportunity to visit Glasgow .. I hope to see before this month is over my friend Kossuth here and it may be that I come with him. The Hungarian cause is so intimately connected with our own, that I should like to have the representative of the Magyar race sharing with me the marks of sympathy which you intend to give my owo country,'

Kossuth, it is said, is safe on board an American vessel.

THE GERMAN AGITATION SOCIETY OF LONDON. Under this name a society has been formed to help the emancipation of Germany. The new society will not busy itself with barren discussions, but proposes to work. It has no pretension to be a secret government of Germany. It approves the position of Dr. Arnold Ruge (one of its members) in the European Committee.

All friends of Germany, in Europe or America, are invited to send their communications, advice, or contributions of money, to Dr. Karl Tausenau, 8, Barnard's Inn, Holborn, London.

MISCELLANEOUS NEWS. FRANCE prepares the revolution. The Voix du Proscrit has put forth an able programme for the Republicans, advising them to hold a Democratic Conclave: the democrats of each canton to meet in the first fortnight of October, not only to consider their choice of a president but to draw up a list of political and social reforms; delegates of these meetings, one for each canton, to meet in the second fortnight of October, at the chief-town of each department, to choose a delegate for the department; and the departmental delegates to meet in the first fortnight of November, at Paris. Each delegate of a department to have a vote for every 50,000 persons in his department. About 726 votes among 86 delegates. The business of these delegates to be confined to taking account of the votes, and in proclaiming the result. The citizen who should have obtained 361 votes to be declared the democratic candidate for the Presidency. And by the same means the policy of the party would be known, and unity of action obtained. - The Party of Order look forward less hopefully. Their severishness is betrayed in every action. At Lyons (where the prisoners and their counsel have uobly refused to make any defence), the victims of their military tribunals are condemned to atrocious punishments; at Paris, they endeavour, by help of the ENGLISH FOREIGN POLICE, to concoct a new opportunity for vengeance. Some two hundred arrests have been made, so madly, that they are actually obliged to set half their prisoners immediately at liberty, unable to maintain even a pretence against them. The new plot serves however as an excuse to annoy the dreaded Voix du Proscrit, and to place all foreigners resident in Paris under the surveillance of the Police. Excellent Order! of which shuffling Admiral Prince Joinville wants to be President, for sake of himself or his nephew, who will come of age in 1855; and whose Pope should be miraculous Miss Tamisier, the bleeding picture maker of St. Saturnin, just exposed as a mountebank, to be believed by none but a country curé or Father Newman. . We are sorry to be obliged to notice a fortunately still-born attempt to divide the European Party—a ‘French-Spanish-Italian Committee' formed of Members of the French Mountain-Michel (de Bourges) and others. Their first, and we hope their last, act is the issue of an eloquent manifesto from the pen of the venerable Lamennais: somehow strangely deceived into joining them.

'AUSTRIA’ is now only a Boy-Kaiser. The State, it is I. The Emperor declares himself absolutely absolute, the Constitution so much waste-paper, his ministers responsible only to him, he only to God. Whose will shall yet be proclaimed by the People, on the Brigittenau as elsewhere, despite Lord Palmerston.

In PORTUGAL there is talk of a reaction. May it be a revolution, with no wbig Saldanba to overlay it.

In ITALY,-Rome, Lombardy, and Naples,-a continuance of Despotic and Papal savagery: though the the Times confesses Neapolitan atrocities are not so atrocious since the patriots are really patriots; and though the liberal Irish Nation objects to exposing the infamy of His Holiness.'

For IRELAND has gone papal-mad. Irish priests dream of bathing in English blood; Irish patriots find it a fitting time to applaud or at least excuse a deplorable fanaticism: while the nation is perishing of famine and degradation. The Irish Tenant League is failing. The men of ’48 can only back' a bill of Sharman Crawford's, or propose an Irish Freehold Land Society. Truly, the bill may moderate the tyranny of Landlordism, the Freebold Scheme (excellent to its extent) may afford an escape for many : but the national plague remains unremedied. Alas for Ireland! One good sign only can we see: even in the midst of this religious' mania, the priestly influence is declining. That is confessed by the Tablet, and evidenced, not merely by the ' Apostacy' of such men as the Duke of Norfolk, but by the determination of the Irish catholics to avail themselves of a ‘Godless' education, notwithstanding the papal anathema.

"And England? what has she to boast of?' Order,' in our government: to wit, an establishment of foreign police under the immediate orders of our Home Secretary. Manifest Loyalty :' that is to say, mobs at railway stations, firing of guns, and shouting of exuberant charity children, cleanly washed for the occasion. Protection of family and property': that is to say, three, or sometimes six, months' imprisonment for killing a wife or any other woman, and ten years' transportation (three years additional at the prisoner's own request) for picking a pocket. 'Patriotism where least to be expected': shown by desertions from the army of ten men at a time,--fools who think they may prefer American service, with promotion for good conduct and no chance of the Cat. And Colonial Wisdom and Content': for Sir Harry Smith has driven the Caffres into the colony; taking from them 3000 head of cattle, while the defeated foe take 20,000 in return. Long live the Whig Ministry; and God preserve our Queen's contented people.

Jubilate! there is gold in Australia; and Cuba, though Lopez is no more, may yet become the property of the sympathizing slaveholder.

But the Times will not be jubilant. The Thunderer sees only evil a-head. The Convicts will all get free and join Sir William Denison at the Diggins. There will be ruin for Australian Society, unless the paternal Government send out troops to guard the mines. Stupid British soldiers, who will take care of the gold for-how many pence a-day? And the Cuban attempt forebodes American liking for Jamaica. So the Times would threaten the States with an European coalition. Bah! says Jonathan: there is not a Kingdom in Europe dare go to war with me. To say nothing of Italy and Hungary, or even of Ireland, - what would you think of an army of Transatlantic Englishmen landing in Great Britain? Telling the volunteers drawn up in array against them— Brothers ! we have no quarrel with you; but only with your Government. Listen a while. We have universal suffrage and some other things; you have W ell, shall we help you to reform all that? This in very plain English; and the volunteers are mostly chartists. Not war then, rejoins the Times ; but will Jonathan join us in a peaceful League to protect each other's possessions ? Soft Jonathan!

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