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Ireland had been left to the decision of Carnot,
Clarke, and Hoche, they named an evening to
meet Tone at the palace of the Luxembourg.
Tone arrived at the appointed hour, eight o'clock.
He was ushered into a splendid apartment. Short-

every year, all going on at the same time; and | every man was to possess a right to vote. The whole country was thus to be placed in a state of tumult and agitation-all in conflagration-like three hundred windmills in motion all at once. This, too, in a country, one-third of whose popu-ly after, the Director and the generals made their lation were so destitute that they were exempted from paying hearth-money tax in consequence of their poverty. Emmet forgot that elections and representatives are a work of art-he considered them as one of the operations of nature.

"When he went to America he thought his political life at an end; but it was only just beginning. Had Government intended to have rendered him harmless they should have kept him at home, where he would have staid, a tarnished lawyer, with little business; but sent to America, he found means to annoy England, and do there what he never could have done in his own country."

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appearance. They bowed coldly, but civilly, to Tone, and almost immediately retired without apology or explanation through a door opposite to that by which they had entered. Tone was a good deal struck by so unexpected a reception; but his surprise increased when ten o'clock arrived without the appearance of a message of any kind from those on whom all his hopes seemed to depend. The clock struck eleven, twelve, one-all was still in the palace; the steps of the sentinels, on their posts without, alone interrupted the dead silence that prevailed within. Tone paced the room in considerable anxiety; not even a servant had entered of whom to inquire his way out, or if the Director and the generals had retired. About two o'clock, the folding-doors were suddenly thrown open; Carnot, Clarke, and Hoche entered; and reserve, so observable at eight o'clock, had their countenances brightened; and the coldness vanished. Clarke advanced quickly to Tone, and taking him cordially by the hand, said: Citizen! 1 congratulate you; we go to Ireland.' The others did the same; and having fixed the time to meet again, the persons engaged in this remarkable transaction separated."

At some future time we hope to give some account of the circumstances of Irish society which led to the Rebellion of 1798. Its causes were, we think, more deeply seated than was felt by any of the prominent actors in the scene. At the moment there are difficulties in treating this subject, which will in all probability have passed away before we next have the opportunity of addressing the public. The solution which has been so often repeated that it has become almost an article of faith with some--that the Government fomented the rebellion to facilitate their

The documents in Lord Londonderry's book prove, what however was known before, that the English Government were, from the first, acquainted with all the negotiations of the rebels for aid from France. When M'Nevin was examined before the secret committees of the Lords and Commons, he found that they were not only in possession of all that he could communicate, but that a copy of his very memoir, which he had laid before the French Government as to the state of Ireland, was in the hands of the committee. Tone mentions, that when Hoche's expedition was leaving Brest, a proclamation was printed, to be distributed in Ireland on their landing. A large sum of money was offered to the printer for a copy. He communicated with Tone, who had copies printed with Portugal instead of Ireland, and the English were thus deceived. A more singular circumstance is, that the French having sent over a messenger to announce their coming, a second message, which was believed to be authentic, arrived, saying that the intent of invasion was deferred to the following spring. The second message so entirely deceived the rebel leaders, that when the French came, no preparations were Lord Londonderry ought to have accompamade for them. No explanation of the secnied some of the documents which he pubond message is suggested. In the Life of lishes with fuller explanations than we find. Curran by his son, we are told that the Several refer to inclosed papers, which are French Directory, when Tone was urging the not printed-are not probably in his possesinvasion of Ireland, were greatly influenced sion, but the want of which leaves what he to adopt the measure, by being told that two-prints of about as much value as the envelthirds of the sailors in the British service were Irish. He adds an anecdote which is strikingly well told :

"Soon after the question of an expedition to

* Grattan's Life, vol. iv. p. 360.

carrying the Legislative Union, is a supposition too insulting to our common nature to be for a moment thought of, and the whole evidence of facts utterly and entirely disproves it.

ope of a lost letter.

Is it worth while to state, that while looking through some of the publications connected with the subject of Ireland during

* Curran's Life of Curran, vol. ii. p. 20.

Lord Castlereagh's administration, we find writers of high reputation, in their anxiety to make out that kind of inconsistency which is most damaging to the reputation of a public man, between his professions at one period and his acts at another, confuse him with his father? Dr. Madden, and the author of the History of the Civil Wars in Ireland, published in Constable's Miscellany-an excellent summary of the Irish annals of some seven hundred yearshave fallen into this mistake, and represent him as moving resolutions in conventions of Irish volunteers when he was but twelve or thirteen years of age. He is, we think, most unjustly accused of having violated faith with the state prisoners of 1798, by their detention in prison for some years after the rebellion was suppressed. They They were in prison at the time of the treaty; and by express conditions with them the time of their removal was to be at the discretion of Government. That, surely, to all ordinary understanding, implies the right of continuing their imprisonment till such time as with safety to the state they could be discharged. The American representative had expressed anxiety that they should not be sent there, and there must have been, in a time of war, extreme difficulty as to their proper disposal. There were those in Ireland at the time who would have made short work of the matter, and disposed of the prisoners on the principle acted on in the town of Tunis, in Africa the torrid, and recorded in the Anti-Jacobin Lyrics:

"No story half so shocking, By kitcken fire or laundry, Was ever heard tell

As that which befell

The great Jean Bon St. André.

"Poor John was a gallant captain, In battles much delighting;

He fled full soon,

On the first of June,
But he bade the rest keep fighting.

"To Paris then returning,
Recovered from his panic,
He translated the plan
Of Paine's Rights of Man
Into language Mauritanic.

"He went to teach at Tunis, Where as consul he was settled, Among other things,

That the people are kings, Whereat the Dey was nettled.

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There was more than one occasion, in which men ordinarily in their sober senses thought to have acted on this precedent. In the Pieces of Irish History, published in America by Emmet, it is said that when they published a denial of the truth of some extracts from the report of the secret committee, a distinguished member of the Irish House of Commons proposed that the agreement with them should be regarded as at an end, and that they should be then tried, and if found guilty, as they necessarily must, be executed. Another had before this suggested, but this was, we believe, before the negotiations between them and Government, that military executions should have a retrospective operation, and that the state prisoners should be summarily disposed of. "Lord Castlereagh, with becoming dignity and humanity, vehemently discountenanced so shocking a proposal."*

We cannot award any very high praise to the work as far as it has gone, and we trust that the future volumes may be more carefully put together. The book is not without a certain kind of value, and if it be not quite as much in the hands of students of history as a letter of Mr. Alison's predicts, it yet ought to have a place-a high place--in the public libraries.

*Life of Curran, vol. ii. p. 44.

From Bentley's Miscellany.

CHARLES THE FIFTH, EMPEROR OF GERMANY.

HIS VISITS TO ENGLAND,—HIS RETREAT TO A MONASTERY,—AND DEATH.

BY CHIRURGUS.

"Or ever the silver cord be loosed, or the golden bowl be broken, or the pitcher be broken at the fountain, or the wheel broken at the cistern."

"Then shall the dust return to the earth as it was, and the spirit shall return unto God who gave it." "Vanity of vanities, saith the preacher, all is vanity.”

THERE is perhaps no period within histori- | cal record more interesting than the first half of the sixteenth century: whether we regard the events that occurred or the characters which performed their parts in them, there is ample food afforded for reflection. It was then that the voice of Luther rang like a trumpet-blast throughout Europe, breaking up the fountains of the political and religious deeps, and summoning to his standard the advocates for reformation in the Catholic | Church. The learned Erasmus and profound Melancthon flourished in Germany. Francis I., of magnificent memory, reigned in France. In England Henry VIII., Cardinal Wolsey, Sir Thomas More, and a host of other interesting historical characters then lived; our Elizabeth was in the bloom of her youth, and the bard of Avon about that time first drew

breath.

But there was another star in the bright constellation then shining, who was conspicuous above all others for the grandeur of his position, the magnitude of his enterprises, the talent with which they were conducted, and the success by which, for a long series of years, they were attended. The name of the Emperor Charles V. has, moreover, been handed down in the annals of the Protestant faith as one of the most formidable, as well as unflinching opponents with whom that faith had at its dawn to contend. The close of the career of that prince was not less remarkable than the most brilliant occurrences of his life; and it is our intention to devote this paper to a consideration of the concluding events, prefacing them by some curious par

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ticulars of two visits paid by him to this country.

The death of the Emperor Maximilian having left the imperial throne of Germany vacant, two candidates presented themselves for the honor of filling it. Of these, one was Francis I. King of France, who had already gained reputation for valor and chivalric bearing in the battle-field, since so celebrated for another desperate fight,-the field of Marengo. The other candidate was Charles V. King of Spain. A significant incident had already proved this prince to be of no ordinary mould. At a grand tournament held at Valladolid, Charles entered the lists, though barely in his eighteenth year, and broke three lances against his master of the horse. feat was loudly applauded; but the youthful knight, whilst he gracefully made his acknowledgments, pointed significantly to the motto " Nondum," (not yet,) on his shield ; indicating that he aspired to higher and nobler deeds.

This

By a majority of the Germanic States, Charles was chosen Emperor to the great chagrin of Francis, who from that hour regarded his rival with feelings of bitter enmity. The coronation of Charles was celebrated with great pomp at Aix-la-Chapelle,on the 22d of October, 1520.

Francis and Charles, whilst they entertained feelings of hostility against each other, were very desirous of courting the friendship and support of Henry VIII., the youthful King of England. Francis spared neither flattery, presents, nor promises to secure the good offices of Wolsey, then in the height of

his power; and authorized him to arrange the formalities of a solemn meeting between the Courts of England and France. Charles regarded these proceedings with a jealous eye, and determined to have an interview with Henry previous to his visit to France. It was intended to have been a surprise, but Henry was informed of it by Wolsey, who was secretly intriguing with both the rivals. Accordingly, when Henry was at Canterbury making preparations for his visit to France, "Newes were brought to the King, that Charles his nephue, elected Emperour of Almanie, would shortlie depart out of Spaine by sea, and come by England to go to Acon, or Aix, (a citie of fame and renowne in Germanie, for the ancient residence and sepulchre of Charlemagne,) where he received the first crowne. Wherefore the King hearing of this determination of the Emperour, caused great provisions to be made at everie haven for the receiving of his well-beloved nephue and friend; and dailie provisions were made on all sides for these noble meetings of so high princes; and especialie the Queene of England and the Ladie Dowager of France made great cost on the apparell of their ladies and gentlewomen **”

Henry and his Court left Greenwich on the 21st of May, and reached Canterbury on the 25th-a rate of travelling rather different from that of the present day. "On the morrow after," says the old chronicle, "the Emperour being on the sea, returninge out of Spaine, arrived with all his navie of ships roiall on the coast of Kent, direct to the port of Hieth, the said daie by noon, where he was saluted by the vice-admiral of England, Sir William Fitzwilliam, with six of the King's great ships well furnished, which laie for the safe gard of passage betwixt Cals and Dover. Towards evening the Emperour departed from his ships and entered into his bote, and coming towards lande, was met and received of the Lord Cardinall of Yorke with such reverence as to so noble a prince appertaineth.

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Thus landed the Emperour Charles the Fifth at Dover, under his cloth of estate of the Blacke Eagle, all spread on rich cloth of gold. He had with him manie noble men, and manie faire ladies of his bloud. When he was come on land, the lord cardinall conducted him to the Castell of Dover, which was prepared for him in the most roiall manner. In the morning the King rode with all hast to the Castell of Dover to welcome the Emperour, and entering into the castell,

Holinshed's Chronicles, vol. ii. p. 853.

alighted; of whose coming the Emperour having knowledge, came out of his chamber and met him on the staires, where either of them embraced other in most loving manner, and then the King brought the Emperour to his chamber. On Whitsuntide, earlie in the morning, they tooke their horses and rode to the citie of Canterburie, the more to keepe solemne the feast of Pentecost, but speciallie to see the Queene of England, his aunt, was the Emperour his intent, of whom, ye may be sure, he was most joiefullie received and welcomed. Thus the Emperour and his retinue, both of lords and ladies, kept their Whitsuntide with the King and Queene of England in the citie of Canterburie with all joie and solace.* The Emperour yet himself seemed not so much to delight in pastime and pleasure, but that, in respect of his youthful yeares, there appeared in him a great shew of gravitie; for they could by no means bring him to dance amongst the residue of the princes, but onelie was contented to be a looker on: peradventure the sight of the Lady Mary troubled him, whom he had sometime loved, and yet, through fortune's evill hap, might not have her to wife."t

On the 31st of May the Emperor took his departure from England, and on the same day Henry VIII. crossed from Dover to Calais on his way to that memorable interview with Francis I. immortalized as the "Field of the Cloth of Gold."

Two years after this, another visit was paid by Charles to the British monarch, the particulars of which are even more interesting than the preceding. Henry, at all times fond of display, found in Wolsey a most able coadjutor; and in the present instance their efforts were combined to receive the Emperor on a scale of surpassing magnificence. The old chroniclers love to dwell on these scenes, and the particulars they have handed down to us are full of interest as portraying the manners and customs of the age.

*The hall of the archiepiscopal palace at Canterbury "was of such a vast amplitude, that once, in the year 1519, it was graced with the presence of the Emperor Charles V. and King Henry VIII. at the same time; together with his royal consort Queen Katherine, whom (being the said emperor's aunt) he came to England to visit. This hall then contained these most royal persons, and all their numerous attendants, wherein they adjusted matters of state between them, exercised their triumphs, and feasted together in a most splendid manner, at the incredible cost and expenses of Warham, then archbishop"-Strype, Life of Parker, vol. i. p. 347.

The Lady Mary here spoken of was the Queendowager of France, who was very celebrated for her beauty.

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Carolus, Henricus vivant, defensor uterque,
Henricus fidei, Carolus ecclesiæ."

"King Henry, hearing that the Emperor | the Emperour rode to the cathedral church would come to Callice, so to pass into Eng- of St. Paul, where the cardinal sung mass, land as he went into Spain, appointed the and had his traverse and his cupboard. BeLord Marquis Dorset to go to Callice, there fore mass, two barons gave him water, and to receive him, and the cardinal to receive after the gospel two earls, and at the last him at Dover. The cardinal, taking his lavatory two dukes, which pride the Spanjourney thither on the 10th of May (1552) iards much disdained.' The worthy lord rode through London, accompanied with two mayor and aldermen seem to have been so earls, six-and-thirty knights, and an hundred enchanted with the affability of their imperial gentlemen, eight bishops, ten abbots, thirty and royal guests, that they determined to chaplains all in velvet and satin, and yeomen commemorate the visit by an inscription, seven hundred. The five-and-twentieth of worded in most courtier-like terms of flattery. May being Sunday, the Marquis Dorset, with We learn that "In such golden bonds of the Bishop of Chichester, the Lord de la love Charles and Henry seemed linked, as in Ware, and divers others, at the water of London this sentence was set up in the GuildGraveling received the Emperor, and with all hall, over the door of the Council Chamber, honor brought him to Callice, where he was where it still remaineth :received with procession by the Lord Berners, lieutenant of the town. On Monday he took shipping at Callice, and landed at Dover; where the cardinal, with three hundred lords, The events of a few years converted this knights, and gentlemen, received him, and in great state brought him to the castle, where compliment into a satire. Henry, the "dehe was lodged. On Wednesday, being As-fensor fidei," became its bitterest enemy, and cension Even, the King came to Dover, and the love of the sovereigns was converted into gall. there, with great joy and gladness, the Emperor and he met. On Friday in the afternoon they departed from Dover, and came that night to Canterbury, and from thence next day to Greenwich. Here, to honor the Emperor's presence, royal justs and tournays were appointed, where the King, the Earl of Devonshire, and ten aids, kept the place against the Duke of Suffolk, the Marquis Dorset, and other ten aids on their part.' city of London seems to have displayed its wonted hospitality on this occasion, and the chroniclers give the particulars with equal

care and satisfaction," In this maiours

The

yere

(Sir John Milborne), and the fowertene of the Kyng, the Fridaie before Penthecoste, that is to saie the sixe daie of June, Charles the fifte, Emperour, was honourably received into the citee of London of the maiour, aldermenne, and comunalte, our Souernaige Lorde accompanyng hym. And from London he went to Windsore, and sat in the stal of the garter, and from thens went to Hampton, and sailed ower the sea into Spaine." Another account contains other particulars, which are interesting as illustrating the pride of Wolsey,

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The Emperour was lodged at the black fryers, and all his lords in the new palace of Bridewell. On Whitsunday the King and

* A Chronicle of the Kings of England, by Sr

Richard Baker, Knt., fol. Lond. 1674.

The Chronicle of Fabian, black letter, imprinted at London, 1559. See also The Chronicle of John Hardynge, black letter.

We have thus seen Charles at the brightest period of his life, when in full bodily vigor and health, and rejoicing in all the energy and hope of youth. Years rolled on; fortune favored him in a wondrous manner. He was at once the bulwark of the Catholic

faith and terror of the Protestants. His

rival, Francis, had succumbed to his arms at Pavia, and had languished for years in a humiliating captivity. His enterprises had succeeded; and he was generally regarded as the greatest, the most prosperous, and perhaps the most envied prince in Christendom. But the tide turned, and we must pass over those bright pages of his history, and open one which displays him in a different character, and under altered circumstances.

Charles had enjoyed upwards of thirty years of prosperity; but in 1552 he drank deeply of the cup of misfortune, and a series of events occurred which ultimately led to At this his retirement from the world. period the German Protestant church was in a state of great alarm. The Emperor seemed determined at all hazards to compel observance of the decrees of the Council of Trent in his dominions-decrees which struck at

the root of the reformed church.

In furtherance of this design, Charles had already commenced hostilities against Magde

* A Chronicle of the Kings of England, by Sir R. Baker, fol. Lond. 1674.

† Speed's History of Great Britain, fol. 1632.

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