dem., Anthol. Pal. V 125 Toùç kɛívov meλékei dei didúμovç åpeλeiv, Ammianus Marcellinus, Claudianus and Solinus use gemini with the same meaning, and this meaning must be lurking in two passages of Petronius, 35 and 39: super geminos testiculos ac rienes," and "in geminis nascuntur... colei."-Pp. 47071. O. Hirschfeld. Petronius und Lucianus. The oikéry veоhour of the twentieth chapter of Lucian's essay noç dei ioropíav ovyypápew is probably a reminiscence of Trimalchio; cf. Cena Trim. 76, 32 and, especially, 36.—P. 471. J. Gilbert. Ad Petroni saturas (53). Proposes to read reliqua enim talia acroamata etc. for reliqua [animalia] acroamata etc.-Pp. 471-3. F. Bücheler. Altes Latein (vgl. Band XLVI, S. 233). XX. The epitaph of Encolpus, C. I. L. VI 14672, may be assigned to the third generation after Petronius and Nero. The word opter is a genuine archaism; for its formation cf. inter, praeter, propter, etc.-Pp. 473-4. M. Ihm. Tessera hospitalis. F. Barnabei, Notizie degli scavi for March, 1895, describes a token recently discovered at Trasacco. It is the half of a small ram's head of bronze divided lengthwise, the cut surface being inscribed with the names of two men and the word hospes.' It probably belongs to the second century B. C. This discovery explains the purpose of a similar token now at Vienna. It also supports the old view that these tokens were made by dividing a single object, each party keeping one part. Cf. Plato, Sympos. 191 D and 193 A; Plaut. Poen. 1047 f. -Pp. 474-5. O. Hirschfeld. Das Consulatsjahr des Tacitus. This was the year 97. The person referred to in Plin. Panegyr. 58, erat in senatu ter consul, was not Verginius Rufus, but Fabricius Veiento.-Pp. 475-7. O. Hirschfeld. Die Tyrier in dem zweiten Römisch-Karthagischen Vertrag. Polybius, III 24, wrote Tupiov for Kupiwv by mistake.-Pp. 478-80. F. Skutsch. Randbemerkungen zu S. 240 ff. A brief reply to some of Th. Birt's criticism, pp. 253-6. No Roman poet hesitated to place ille, illa, illam, etc., before a word beginning with a vowel, because the gender of the pronoun was likely to be obscured. Plautus did sometimes shorten the first syllable and elide the last syllable of the same word; e. g. Aulul. 708 ŭbi Ille ábiit, 785 ěgo Illum út, Asin. 370, 757, Rud. 960, etc., etc.-P. 480. C. F. W. M. Zu Band LI, S. 328. With the expression digna dignis compare Arnob. I 39, p. 26, 19 Reif. digna de dignis sentio.

Pp. 481-91. Zur Handschriftenkunde und Geschichte der Philologie. (Continued from vol. XL, pp. 453 ff.; A. J. P. X 112.) R. Foerster. IV. Cyriacus von Ancona zu Strabon. Cyriacus of Ancona had a copy of the seventeen books of Strabo made for him by a friend in Constantinople, and on the margin of this copy he added all sorts of geographical, historical and linguistic comments with his own hand. The first part of this MS, containing the first ten books, is in the library of Eton College, the second part (11-16) is at Florence, Laurent. XXVIII 15. The interesting history of its fortunes.

Pp. 492-505. De Properti poetae testamento. Th. Birt. A commentary on Propert. II 13 6. After the introductory couplet the poem falls into two parts of equal length. The first part closely follows the order of the Roman funeral rites. The words funeris acta mei (v. 18) may be compared with mandata de funere suo (Sueton. Aug. 101).

Pp. 506-28. De Francorum Gallorumque origine Troiana. Th. Birt defends the epithet Gallicus in Propert. II 13. 48 Gallicus Iliacis miles in aggeribus. The belief that the Franks and Gauls were descended from the Trojans was widely spread throughout the Middle Ages, and must have existed at Rome when this poem was written. Cf. Aethicus, Cosmogr. (ed. Wuttke, p. 77); Lucan, Phars. I 427; Amm. Marc. XV 9; Caes. B. G. I 33. 2; Quint. Smyrn. Posthom. VII 611. The use of this epithet is very like the erudite Propertius; for its application cf. Teucrum Quirinum, IV 6. 21.

Pp. 529-43. Neu aufgefundene graeco-syrische Philosophensprüche über die Seele. V. Ryssel. These 'Sayings of the Philosophers' are found in the same Syriac MS as the Treatise of a Philosopher on the Soul' (pp. 1 ff.). A German translation is given.

Pp. 544-59. Excurse zu Virgil. O. Crusius. I. Entstehung und Composition der achten Ekloge. The writer refutes the heresy of the prosaic E. Bethe (vol. XLVII, 590 ff.; A. J. P. XV 387) that the two songs of the eighth Eclogue were originally intended to be independent mimes, not counterparts for an agon. II. Zur vierten Ekloge. In v. 60 risu can only mean the laugh of the child, and the subject of risere, v. 62, must be the same as the logical subject of risu. Crusius would read with Quintilian qui non risere parenti. The nascens puer of v. 8 is not the child of any Roman noble; he is a purely imaginary wonder-child. Modo in the same line should be compared with modo, Aen. IV 49 f. The mystic imagery of the beginning and close of the poem is of Sibylline origin, e. g. v. 10 and vv. 50-51. The infant is to show at once that he is more than human (v. 60); this idea is derived from Greek mysticism.

Pp. 560-88. Delphische Beilagen (S. oben S. 329). H. Pomtow. I. Die Jahre der Herrschaft des Peisistratos. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα in Arist., 'Αθην. Πολ. Χν I, should be changed to μετὰ δὲ ταύτην, and ἔτει μάλιστα ἑβδόμῳ to μηνὶ μάλιστα 386. The career of Peisistratos was as follows: first tyranny, spring to autumn, 560; first exile, autumn 560 to the end of 556-55; second tyranny, seven months of 555-54; second exile, spring 554 to the end of 545-44; third tyranny, middle of 544 to spring, 528-27. II. Die Datirung der VII. Pythischen Ode Pindars. The date of the poem is B. C. 486.

Pp. 589-95. Textkritisches zu Ciceros Briefen. J. Ziehen proposes the following readings: 1) Qu. F. II 14, 2 nec labor antiqua mea etc.; 2) Qu. F. I I, II atque incertos eos quos etc.; 3) Att. II 20, I sed quia holopragmatici homines etc.; 4) Att. IV 11, 2 abs te opipare delector etc.; 5) Att. XI 23, 3 audimus enim de statua Clodi; 6) Brut. I 4, 5 prorsus alienae etc.; keep the reading unchanged and make prorsus ironical; 7) Qu. III 8, 1 Labeoni dedisse, qui adhuc non venerat.

Pp. 596-629. Ueber den Cynegeticus des Xenophon. I. L. Radermacher concludes from an examination of the language and style of the Cynegeticus that it is not the work of Xenophon. Even the mention of bears (XI 1) becomes a stumbling-block, and so does the absence of all reference to riding to hounds.

Miscellen.-Pp. 630-32. H. Weber. Zu Ariston von Chios.-Pp. 632-6. E. Ziebarth. Zur Epigraphik von Thyateira.-Pp. 636-7. W. Schwarz. Die Heptanomis seit Hadrian. By the founding of the city of Antinoë, under the Emperor Hadrian, the number of districts in the Heptanomis was increased to eight. The district of Arsinoë was then separated from the Heptanomis, and the domain of the old Heptanomis was thereafter described as "epistrategia septem nomorum et Arsinoitae." This Arsinoë was the city on Lake Moeris, not the Arsinoë on the Red Sea. Cf. Orelli, Inscr. 516; C. I. L. III 6575.Pp. 637-8. A. Riese. Zu Statius' Silven. Proposes to change calvum, IV 3, 19, to clavum.-P. 638. M. Ihm. Zu Augustins Confessiones. For inspirabat populo jam, VIII 2, 3. read inspirabat populo Osirim. Cod. Bamberg. s. X has populosirim. Pp. 638-40. F. Buecheler. De inscriptionibus quibusdam christianis. Notes on some inscriptions, both Greek and Latin, recently found in the catacombs at Syracuse. They were written between the years 383 and 452.

HAVERFORD COLLEGE.

WILFRED P. MUSTARD.

BEITRÄGE ZUR ASSYRIOLOGIE Und semitischen SPRACHWISSENSCHAFT, herausgegeben von FRIEDRICH DELITZSCH und PAUL HAUPT. Dritter Band, Heft 3 (pp. 385-492). Leipzig, 1897.1

The third Heft of the third volume of the Beiträge contains three articles. The first of these (pp. 385-92) is an introductory paper by Friedrich Delitzsch, embodying some 'preliminary remarks' to the two following treatises by Demuth and Ziemer on legal and government records, dating from the reigns of Cyrus and Cambyses. Delitzsch takes this opportunity to explain the method of transliteration (his own) followed by both writers, to comment on the reading of the proper names, and to give a complete table of the numbers of the texts as they occur in Strassmaier and in Demuth-Ziemer's work.

He devotes two pages to an interesting discussion of the doubtful words imittu and sattukku. The first of these, which occurs hundreds of times in the legal tablets in apposition to suluppu 'dates,' he explains with great ingenuity as meaning 'assessment, valuation,' deriving it from emêdu 'to impose,' e. g. a tax or duty (*imidtu=imittu). Suluppu imittu, therefore, are dates which are to be paid by the tenant to the proprietor as a rent, according to a previous agreement between the owner and the lessee of a field. Delitzsch had already conjectured that this was the meaning of imittu in his AW., p. 93, but arrives definitely at this conclusion in this article in the Beiträge, being led thereto by a passage in a legal document which he cites in full, where the word is used without any doubt in the sense of 'rent.'2

He states also that sattukku does not mean 'established offering,' which is the meaning given in his AW., p. 513, but rather the established, regular standard of value' (Gehalt).3 This word seems to be an intensive noun-form from a stem, which probably meant originally 'to stand, to be perpetual.'

1 For the report on Bd. III, Heft 2, see A. J. P. XVII, pp. 121-5. 2 Cf. also Demuth, p. 404.

3 Cf. also Demuth, p. 438.

Thus we find the adjective sattakka, Nerigl. ii. 12, used practically synonymously with la baṭlak unceasing.' Sattukku is also discussed ZA. I, p. 3. The noun mastaku' place of abode' seems also to be a derivative from the

same stem.

The second article in the Heft (pp. 393-444) is a transliteration and translation with philological commentary by Ludwig Demuth, of fifty legal and government records of the time of Cyrus (538-529 B. C.).

Among other interesting legal peculiarities of the Babylonians, the author explains (p. 400) the laws in force regulating the value of slaves, if offered as security for a debt. Thus, according to him, a female slave and her daughter were accepted as security only when the debtor offering them owed the interest on the capital debt, e. g. the slaves were expected to pay the amount of interest due by their labor for the creditor during a fixed period of time. If, however, the debtor owed his principal, slaves were not regarded as a satisfactory security. In this case it was necessary to offer real property.

The opinion expressed, p. 408, that the original meaning of urâšu was not 'assignment,' but rather debt, obligation,' is highly interesting, as it suggests the possible derivation of the word from erêšu ‘to desire, demand,' e. g. urāšu might have meant 'a demand on a person,' hence an obligation.' Demuth considers ilku a synonym of urāšu (p. 409).

The author's remarks on government slaves (p. 417) are also very instructive. He shows, in commenting on the expression arad-šarrútu, that there may have been certain male slaves who had been conquered in battle and who were forced, either to render military service, or to work on the royal buildings (palaces, temples, walls, etc.). He adds, however, that it seems probable that these slaves were purchasable by private persons.

The third and last article in the Heft is a similar treatise (pp. 445-92) by Ernst Ziemer on the legal and government records of the reign of Cambyses (529-521 B. C.).

It is interesting to notice that in Nr. 1 of these selections the fact is recorded, but not especially alluded to by Ziemer, that Cambyses was coregent while his father, Cyrus, was still living. Both Solomon and Ašurbânipal, and possibly Belshazzar, son of Nabonidus, probably exercised similar functions in the lifetimes of their respective fathers, while in the inscriptions of Antiochus Soter, V R. 66, 25, mention is made of Seleukus his son and the vice-king.1

Ziemer comments very strikingly (p. 449) on the exact meaning of the preposition pat, which is translated by Peiser, who writes it put (sic), as 'receipt' (see also p. 398). The author shows satisfactorily that the word in the contracts is a preposition with the force 'for, instead of, opposite to.' He might have added that this word is also used in the narrative inscriptions in the sense of opposite'; cf. Shalm. Mon. 26 ina pût âlīšu arçip. As pût, pûtu is an abstract formation from pa 'mouth,' its original meaning is probably 'entrance'; cf. Samširammân, iv. 41 ina pût Durpapsukal.

The allusions in various contract tablets to Egyptians who appeared as witnesses of deeds, etc., as, for example, that mentioned p. 452, show conclu

1 Prince, Mene, Mene, p. 27, n. 14.

sively, as Ziemer states, that the relations existing between Egypt and Babylonia during the reign of Cambyses must have been very close. The Egyptians mentioned in most of the inscriptions had become entirely Babylonian, bearing Babylonian names and living, no doubt, according to the Babylonian

customs.

Such work as that of Demuth and Ziemer, which contributes to our knowledge of the laws and family customs of the Babylonians, cannot fail to be of the greatest value both to Assyriology and general history.

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY.

J. DYNELEY PRINCE.